2024-03-28T18:57:07Zhttp://oai-repositori.upf.edu/oai/requestoai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/160142018-01-24T08:26:06Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Nagel, Klaus-Jürgen
2012-07-05T01:53:15Z
2012-07-05T01:53:15Z
2011-12-01
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/16014
Federal Capitals often have special statutes. Compared with member states, they often enjoy a lower degree of self-government and a lesser share in the governing of the federation. Why do actors choose such devices, and how can they be justified in a liberal democracy? Surprisingly, the burgeoning literature on asymmetric federalism (to which our research group has contributed significantly) has overlooked this important feature of a de iure asymmetry, perhaps because political theory up to now has concentrated on cases of multicultural and plurinational federations. However, comparative literature is also rare. This paper is the first step to filling in this gap by comparing some federal capitals. The Federal District model (Washington) is compared to capitals organized as member-states (Berlin and Brussels), and capitals that are cities belonging to a single member state (Ottawa in Ontario). The different features of de iure asymmetry will thereby be highlighted. Some light will be shed on the possible motives, reasons and justifications for the choice of each respective status. The paper opens the door to further research on such status questions by analysing public and parliamentary debates, for example. It paves the way for more thorough research. Sicne the author has been awarded a grant by the Institut d’Estudis Autonòmics, this research will be carried out soon.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Capital cities of federations. On the way to analysing the normative base of their asymmetrical status
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/53472018-01-24T08:28:45Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Nagel, Klaus-Jürgen
2012-07-11T01:53:26Z
2012-07-11T01:53:26Z
2009-12-17T16:04:23Z
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/5347
This paper analyzes how the ideas and concepts of Europe have developed in Catalonia, under the conditions of a decentralizing “nation-state” (Spain) on one hand, and the European integration process on the other. It analyzes the programmes, manifestations of political leaders, and political actions of the Catalan political parties, specially the nationalists, from the setting up of the Spanish state of autonomies (1977-1982) until today. The paper tries to show how, in multilevel governance, holistic and enthusiastic visions of an economically and political integrating Europe as a “natural ally” of a Catalan nationalism were partially replaced by more pragmatic and even more critical assessments.
eng
Aquest document està subjecte a una llicència d'ús de Creative Commons, amb la qual es permet copiar, distribuir i comunicar públicament l'obra sempre que se'n citin l'autor original, la universitat i el departament i no se'n faci cap ús comercial ni obra derivada, tal com queda estipulat en la llicència d'ús (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/es/)
The Nationalism of stateless nations and Europe. The Catalan case
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/53742021-07-22T08:08:44Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Requejo, Ferran, 1951-
Sanjaume Calvet, Marc
2012-07-11T01:53:26Z
2012-07-11T01:53:26Z
2009-12-23T10:07:01Z
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/5374
The academic debate about the secession of a territory which is part of a liberal democracy state displays an initial contrast. On the one hand, practical secessionist movements usually legitimize their position using nationalist arguments linked to the principle of national self- determination. On the other hand, we find in academia few defenders of a normative principle of national self-determination. Philosophers, political scientists and jurists usually defend the status quo. And even when they do not defend it, most of them tend to leave the question of that question and secession unresolved or confused. Regarding this issue, liberal-democratic theories show a tendency to be “conservative” in relation to the political borders, regardless the historical and empirical processes of creation of current States. Probably, this feature is not far away to the fact that, since its beginning, political liberalism has not been a theory of the nation, but a theory of the state.
eng
Aquest document està subjecte a una llicència d'ús de Creative Commons, amb la qual es permet copiar, distribuir i comunicar públicament l'obra sempre que se'n citin l'autor original, la universitat i el departament i no se'n faci cap ús comercial ni obra derivada, tal com queda estipulat en la llicència d'ús (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/es/)
Secession and liberal democracy. The case of the Basque country
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/58832018-01-24T08:28:46Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Ferreira do Vale, Helder
2012-07-11T01:53:26Z
2012-07-11T01:53:26Z
2010-03-15T09:03:53Z
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/5883
In light of the existing theories about institutional change, this paper seeks to advance a common framework to understand the unfolding of decentralization and federalization in three countries: Brazil, Spain, and South Africa. Although in different continents, these three countries witnessed processes after their respective transitions to democracy that transferred administrative and fiscal authority to their regions (decentralization) and vertically distributed political and institutional capacity (federalization). This paper attempts to explain how institutional changes prompted a shift of power and authority towards regional governments by looking at internal sources of change within the intergovernmental arena in the three countries. This analysis is organized around two propositions: that once countries transit to democracy under all-encompassing constitutions there are high incentives for institutional change, and that under a bargained intergovernmental interaction among political actors subnational political elites are able to advance their interests incrementally. In short, through a common framework this paper will explain the evolving dynamics of intergovernmental dynamics in three countries.
eng
Aquest document està subjecte a una llicència d'ús de Creative Commons, amb la qual es permet copiar, distribuir i comunicar públicament l'obra sempre que se'n citin l'autor original, la universitat i el departament i no se'n faci cap ús comercial ni obra derivada, tal com queda estipulat en la llicència d'ús (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/es/)
Theorizing institutional changes: understanding decentralization and federalization in Brazil, Spain and South Africa
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/2862018-01-24T08:28:39Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Requejo, Ferran, 1951-
2012-07-11T01:53:26Z
2012-07-11T01:53:26Z
2007-04-20T17:48:46Z
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/286
In this chapter, after pointing out the different logics that lie behind the familiar ideas of democracy and federalism, I have dealt with the case of plurinational federal democracies. Having put forward a double criterion of an empirical nature with which to differentiate between the existence of minority nations within plurinational democracies (section 2), I suggest three theoretical criteria for the political accommodation of these democracies. In the following section, I show the agonistic nature of the normative discussion of the political accommodation of this kind of democracies, which bring monist and pluralist versions of the demos of the polity into conflict (section 3.1), as well as a number of conclusions which are the result of a comparative study of 19 federal and regional democracies using four analytical axes: the uninational/plurinational axis; the unitarianism-federalism axis; the centralisation-decentralisation axis; and the symmetry-asymmetry axis (section 3.2). This analysis reveals shortcomings in the constitutional recognition of national pluralism in federal and regional cases with a large number of federated units/regions with political autonomy; a lower degree of constitutional federalism and a greater asymmetry in the federated entities or regions of plurinational democracies. It also reveals difficulties to establish clear formulas in these democracies in order to encourage a “federalism of trust” based on the participation and protection of national minorities in the shared government of plurinational federations/regional states. Actually, there is a federal deficit in this kind polities according to normative liberal-democratic patterns and to what comparative analysis show. Finally, this chapter advocates the need for a greater normative and institutional refinement in plurinational federal democracies. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to introduce a deeper form of “ethical” pluralism -which displays normative agonistic trends, as well as a more “confederal/asymmetrical” perspective, congruent with the national pluralism of these kind of polities.
eng
Aquest document està subjecte a una llicència d'ús de Creative Commons, amb la qual es permet copiar, distribuir i comunicar públicament l'obra sempre que se'n citin l'autor original, la universitat i el departament i no se'n faci cap ús comercial ni obra derivada, tal com queda estipulat en la llicència d'ús (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/es/)
Federalism and democracy. The case of minority nations: a federalist deficit
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/2872018-01-24T08:28:47Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Zapata Barrero, Ricard
2012-07-11T01:53:26Z
2012-07-11T01:53:26Z
2007-04-20T17:56:25Z
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/287
Since at least the last two decades of the 20th century, the normative debate on multiculturalism has been one-dimensional. It has deployed arguments related to cultural demands either linked to feminism and sub-cultural identities, immigration or national minorities. Little attention has been given to the relations between these dimensions, and how they effect each other in putting forward demands to the nation-state. The purpose of this article is to analyse the interaction between cultural demands of immigrants and minority nations. The basic objective of this paper is to give an overview of different reflections coming from three basic contributors: J. Carens, W. Kymlicka and R. Bauböck.
eng
Aquest document està subjecte a una llicència d'ús de Creative Commons, amb la qual es permet copiar, distribuir i comunicar públicament l'obra sempre que se'n citin l'autor original, la universitat i el departament i no se'n faci cap ús comercial ni obra derivada, tal com queda estipulat en la llicència d'ús (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/es/)
Intertwined cultural demands of immigrants and minority nations
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/63612018-01-24T08:34:25Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Requejo, Ferran, 1951-
2012-07-11T01:53:26Z
2012-07-11T01:53:26Z
2010-10-01T07:10:16Z
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/6361
Este WP analiza la regulación del pluralismo religioso en las democracias liberales como uno de los aspectos mas destacados de la creciente multiculturalidad de las democracias actuales. Tras situar el liberalismo político como fenómeno surgido de las guerras de religión europeas de los siglos XVI y XVII (sección 1), se establecen ocho elementos analíticos para el estudio de los fenómenos multiculturales (sección 2) y tres modelos de "integración" política en las democracias de raíz liberal (sección 3).
spa
Aquest document està subjecte a una llicència d'ús de Creative Commons, amb la qual es permet copiar, distribuir i comunicar públicament l'obra sempre que se'n citin l'autor original, la universitat i el departament i no se'n faci cap ús comercial ni obra derivada, tal com queda estipulat en la llicència d'ús (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/es/)
Pluralismo religioso, multiculturalidad y democracias liberales
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/51812017-03-01T09:03:22Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Requejo, Ferran, 1951-
2012-07-11T01:53:27Z
2012-07-11T01:53:27Z
2009-11-09T10:18:07Z
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/5181
This paper links different political liberal theories, considered from the perspective of their moral ontology, with federal democracies. After giving a brief description of these theories, I discuss their relationship with the theoretical and institutional models of federalism. As methodological tools, the paper introduces some Hegel’s political concepts and deals with their potential application to the analysis of federalism, taken into account the case of minorities in multinational democracies. I postulate the need for a moral and institutional refinement of liberal-democratic patterns that is better able to accommodate national pluralism than has so far been achieved by traditional constitutionalism.
eng
Aquest document està subjecte a una llicència d'ús de Creative Commons, amb la qual es permet copiar, distribuir i comunicar públicament l'obra sempre que se'n citin l'autor original, la universitat i el departament i no se'n faci cap ús comercial ni obra derivada, tal com queda estipulat en la llicència d'ús (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/es/)
Three theories of liberalism for the three theories of federalism. A Hegelian turn
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/2882018-01-24T08:34:19Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Requejo, Ferran, 1951-
2012-07-11T01:53:27Z
2012-07-11T01:53:27Z
2006-02
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/288
Global Justice has usually been understood to mean institutional and social justice (political and redistributive issues on a global scale). In contrast, issues involving different national and cultural identities, are usually marginal in reflections on global justice. This occurs despite the fact that human rights include political social and cultural rights. This paper links a conception of global justice, moral cosmopolitanism, with plurinational democracies. After giving a brief description of moral cosmopolitanism I go on to analyse notions of cosmopolitanism and patriotism in Kant's work and the political significance that the notion of "unsocial sociability" and the "Ideas of Pure Reason" of Kant's first Critique have for cosmopolitanism. Finally, I analyse the relationship between cosmopolitanism and minority nations based on the preceding sections. I postulate the need for a moral and institutional refinement of democracies and international society that is better able to accommodate national pluralism than has so far been achieved by traditional liberal constitutionalism and cosmopolitanism
eng
Aquest document està subjecte a una llicència d'ús de Creative Commons, amb la qual es permet copiar, distribuir i comunicar públicament l'obra sempre que se'n citin l'autor original, la universitat i el departament i no se'n faci cap ús comercial ni obra derivada, tal com queda estipulat en la llicència d'ús (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/es/)
Cosmopolitan justice and minority rights: the case of minority nations (or Kant again, but different)
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/117572018-01-24T08:28:53Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Ferreira do Vale, Helder
2012-07-11T01:53:27Z
2012-07-11T01:53:27Z
2011-06-22T09:28:19Z
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/11757
This paper explores an overlooked issue in the literature on federations and federalism: the relationship between federalism and democracy. Starting from the assumption that federalism per se is not enough to guarantee cooperative intergovernmental dynamics between different levels of governments, this article analyzes how democracy reinforces cooperative intergovernmental relations under a federal design. Drawing from empirical evidence of federations in the making – Brazil, India, Malaysia, Mexico, South Africa and Spain – this article shows that in countries where the federal design was built under democratization, namely Brazil, Spain and South Africa, intergovernmental dynamics evolved under an increasingly cooperative mode of interaction.
eng
Aquest document està subjecte a una llicència d'ús de Creative Commons, amb la qual es permet copiar, distribuir i comunicar públicament l'obra sempre que se'n citin l'autor original, la universitat i el departament i no se'n faci cap ús comercial ni obra derivada, tal com queda estipulat en la llicència d'ús (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/es/)
When federalism is not enough? Paths to cooperation in Federal democracies
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/161902018-01-24T08:28:48Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Holesch, Adam, 1977-
2012-07-11T01:53:27Z
2012-07-11T01:53:27Z
2012-02
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/16190
Education and health policy are two of the public policies, which in Spain have been assigned to the Autonomous Communities (AC). This transfer of powers could be considered a proof for the strong “self-rule” of the AC, which in turn shows that Spain could be classified as a federal state. In the following analysis the authors in some parts disagree with that conclusion, showing that considering the education area Spain is “heavy at the top”. Due to the state’s exclusive power to regulate the basic conditions guaranteeing the equality of all Spanish citizens, the important and final decisions are taken at the center through the framework legislation. The AC play a minor role in the legislation process, they have to adopt the center decisions. De-centralization and extension of the framework legislation are highly connected: The central state reacted with strong framework legislation to the stages of the educational decentralization process. In addition, the concentration of important framing powers within the central state does not make educational reforms more infrequent. However, such reforms are the results of a competition between the parties, and not between the AC or between the AC and the central state
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
L'accés als continguts d'aquest document queda condicionat a l'acceptació de les condicions d'ús establertes per la següent llicència Creative Commons: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/es/
Educational policy in Spain - a federal illusion?
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/51822018-01-24T08:28:44Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Requejo, Ferran, 1951-
2012-07-11T01:53:27Z
2012-07-11T01:53:27Z
2009-11-09T10:17:17Z
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/5182
In this article, I firstly offer a synthesis of a brief set of analytical elements of the theory of democracy and federalism established in the recent debate which identify a number of flaws in the normative and institutional bases of plurinational democracies. It is necessary to overcome these flaws in order to achieve a true political and constitutional recognition and accommodation of the national pluralism of this kind of liberal democracies (section 1). Secondly, we will focus on the Spanish case of the “Estado de las Autonomías” taking into account the recent reform of the Catalan constitutional law (Estatut d’autonomia 2006) (section 2). A final section makes a number of concluding remarks relating the previously highlighted elements of the theory of democracy and federalism with the analysis of the Catalan case (section 3).
eng
Aquest document està subjecte a una llicència d'ús de Creative Commons, amb la qual es permet copiar, distribuir i comunicar públicament l'obra sempre que se'n citin l'autor original, la universitat i el departament i no se'n faci cap ús comercial ni obra derivada, tal com queda estipulat en la llicència d'ús (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/es/)
Revealing the dark side of traditional democracies in plurinational societies. The case of Catalonia and the Spanish “Estado de las Autonomías”
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/206282021-07-22T08:09:04Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Requejo, Ferran, 1951-
Sanjaume Calvet, Marc
2013-05-22T01:54:43Z
2013-05-22T01:54:43Z
2013-05
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/20628
Having lived through a bloody civil war in the 1930s followed by four decades of General Franco’s dictatorship, the Spanish state carried out a transition to a democratic system at the end of the 1970s. The 1978 Constitution was the legal outcome of this transition process. Among other things, it established a territorial model – the so-called “Estado de las Autonomías” (State of Autonomous Communities) – which was designed to satisfy the historical demands for recognition and self-government of, above all, the citizens and institutions of Catalonia and the Basque Country .In recent years support for independence has increased in Catalonia. Different indicators show that pro-independence demands are endorsed by a majority of its citizens, as well as by most of the political parties and organizations that represent its civil society. This is a new phenomenon. Those in favour of independence had been in the minority throughout the 20th century. Nowadays, however, demands of a pro-autonomy and pro-federalist nature, which until recently had been dominant, have gradually lost public support in favour of demands for self-determination and secession. This paper analyses the massive increase in support for secession in Catalonia during the early years of the 21st century. After describing the different theories of secession in plurinational liberal democracies (section 1), we analyse Catalonia’s political evolution over the past decade focusing on the shortcomings with regard to constitutional recognition and accommodation displayed by the Spanish political system. The latter have been exacerbated by the reform process of Catalonia’s Statute of Autonomy (2006) and the subsequent judgement of Spain’s Constitutional Court regarding the aforementioned Statute (2010) (section 2). Finally, we present our conclusions by linking the Catalan case with theories of secession applied to plurinational contexts
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Recognition and political accommodation: from regionalism to secessionism. The Catalan case
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/209312018-01-24T08:18:46Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Riera Gil, Elvira, 1964-
2013-07-18T10:52:08Z
2013-07-18T10:52:08Z
2013-07-18
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/20931
Tradicionalment s’ha considerat que una comunitat política necessita una llengua comuna com a base d’una cultura política compartida, necessària per al funcionament de les institucions democràtiques, l’exercici de la solidaritat ciutadana, el foment de la igualtat d’oportunitats i la unitat, l’estabilitat i la fortalesa de l’estat. Aquesta idea va guiar la constitució d’estats nació com França, Itàlia o Espanya i en va legitimar les polítiques d’assimilació lingüística. I també és present en la construcció d’estats federals, com els mateixos EUA. /nAra bé: en el cas de les federacions constituïdes pel pacte entre demoi amb llengües diferents aquest no hauria de ser necessàriament el model, ja que el sistema federal facilita l’acomodació de la diversitat. Però quina és la realitat? Quantes federacions tenen llengua comuna? Per què algunes en tenen i unes altres no? La manca d’una llengua comuna impedeix d’aconseguir els objectius polítics amb què se l’ha relacionat? /nEl meu corpus d’estudi són les federacions i prenc com a punt de partida les que recull el Fòrum de Federacions en el seu web. En primer lloc les caracteritzo segons la seva diversitat lingüística de iure (llengües oficials en el nivell federal) i de facto (llengües que es parlen a la federació i percentatge de parlants de les principals). En segon lloc defineixo el concepte de llengua comuna d’acord amb unes determinades consideracions, per establir quantes federacions actuals tenen llengua comuna. A continuació descric les funcions polítiques que la normativa associa a la possessió d’una llengua comuna i les causes per les quals un percentatge significatiu de federacions no en tenen. Finalment, analitzo els tres casos de federacions que funcionen tant de iure com de facto sense llengua comuna (Bèlgica, Canadà i Suïssa) amb l’objectiu d’explorar si aquesta mancança pot estar relacionada directament amb els seus nivells de participació democràtica, solidaritat, igualtat d’oportunitats o estabilitat política.
cat
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Una federació necessita una llengua comuna?
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/226192018-01-24T08:30:59Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Requejo, Ferran, 1951-
2014-07-08T09:53:28Z
2014-07-08T09:53:28Z
2014-07-08
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/22619
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
National pluralism, recognition, federalism and secession (or Hegel was a clever guy)
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/226202018-01-24T08:03:21Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Requejo, Ferran, 1951-
2014-07-08T10:11:20Z
2014-07-08T10:11:20Z
2014-07-08
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/22620
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Religions and liberal democracies
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/227742018-01-24T08:03:43Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Requejo, Ferran, 1951-
2014-10-30T08:10:05Z
2014-10-30T08:10:05Z
2014-10-30
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/22774
Isaiah Berlin’s humanistic liberalism is still an influential theory and an implacable antidote against extremism and fanaticism in all their guises. The author of this article notes that one of the main contributions of this theoretician born 100 years ago consists in gaining awareness that there is a multiplicity of values in plural societies which cannot be reduced to a single principle, or a universal permanent combination of values applicable to all individuals and all practical cases. However, Berlin’s defence of value pluralism is in no way a gratuitous concession to relativism or scepticism. Without a doubt, there is a role reserved for reason in moral conflicts. However, “reasonable” discrimination between values is much more context-dependent, even on an individual scale, than what moral, political or religious “rationalist” conceptions assume.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Isaiah Berlin’s value pluralism. Refining theory to improve democratic practice
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/228572018-01-24T08:04:57Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Pérez, Lluís (Pérez Lozano)
2014-12-01T08:51:25Z
2014-12-01T08:51:25Z
2014-12-01
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/22857
Despite the fact of dealing with the same object (the state, and specially the democratic state) from two different focus of interest, little effort has been devoted to analyze the normative relationship between democratic republicanism and current theories of right of secession (TRS): whether (and where) they are mutually reinforcing, contradictory, independent or in tension. This gap is part of another major gap: the lack of a democratic republican theory of secession. This article tries to fill the first gap as a first step to further fill the second one. In doing this, it shows (1) how current TRS can point out democratic republicanism as having missed to handle the dangers that secession conflicts imply in terms of exclusion, domination (either by blackmailing minorities or permanent majorities), and instability; and (2) how democratic republicanism can point out all current TRS as falling in some of these dangers. Hence, to explore how to reconcile democratic republicanism with the field of TRS appears as a relevant task to be developed; in this sense, the article also shows that we have reasons to think that we can work on an alternative democratic republican TRS as a feasible way to reach such reconciliation.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
The Republic and its boundaries. Democratic republicanism and theories of right of secession
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/282772018-04-25T09:28:37Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Nagel, Klaus-Jürgen
Holesch, Adam, 1977-
2017-03-22T11:01:00Z
2017-03-22T11:01:00Z
2017-03-22
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/28277
This paper analyses the possible existence of a Bavarian right to decide, including the independence option. In conclusion, there is no such right under international law or the German constitution. Bavaria has not been conquered, nor has the German fiscal regime been set up without Bavarian representation. In spite of the long political history of the country, Bavarians are not seeing themselves as a “Nation”. The argument is also weakened by existing cultural and linguistic particularities inside the country. If at all, Bavaria’s independence could only be justified by a majority decision, either in a referendum or by parliamentary majority as in the Kosovo case, arguing at the same time that Bavaria would be a viable state in Europe, and that it would offer inner minorities like the Franconians to decide on their own account whether to remain. However, according to poll data and considering the current party system, there is not the slightest possibility for such a majority for independence.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Bavaria: another case of a right to decide?
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/344242022-11-28T11:51:03Zcom_10230_7com_10230_3col_10230_17
Bossacoma i Busquets, Pau
2018-04-20T07:33:32Z
2018-04-20T07:33:32Z
2018-04-20
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/34424
This paper aims to show that secession, especially if unilateral, is difficult in contexts of
liberal democracy. The empirical difficulties may, however, ease the normative
recognition of a right to secede. After some general remarks, obstacles to consensual
secession will be distinguished from those of unilateral secession, emphasizing the
harshness of the latter. Three passages will be analyzed to overcome these obstacles,
namely domestication, perseverance and drama. Although a combination of all three
strategies is expected in the world of facts, domestication and perseverance should
trump drama in the normative realm of liberal democracy. The passage of drama ought
to be anomalous in contemporary democracies. The strategy of drama can backfire.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Obstacles and passages to secession in liberal-democratic contexts. Lessons from Catalonia
info:eu-repo/semantics/workingPaper