2024-03-29T06:39:39Zhttp://oai-repositori.upf.edu/oai/requestoai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/162092021-06-25T11:16:15Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Billingsley, Sunnee
2012-02-09T09:52:34Z
2012-02-09T09:52:34Z
2010
Billingsley S. The post-communist fertility puzzle. Population Research and Policy Review. 2010; 29(2): 193-231. DOI 10.1007/s11113-009-9136-7
0167-5923
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/16209
http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11113-009-9136-7
Fertility has unanimously declined across the entire post-communist /nregion. This study explores the variation in fertility trends over time among these countries and assesses to what degree three explanations are applicable: second demographic transition (SDT), postponement transition (PPT) or reaction to the economic crisis. Moreover, on the basis of SDT and PPT theoretical tenets, as well as descriptive evidence, the economic context is hypothesized to be linked to two processes of fertility decline conversely. The results show that no one theoretical explanation is sufficient to explain the complex fertility declines across the entire post-communist region from 1990 to 2003. In some countries, a great part of the decline in fertility occurred before significant postponement of childbearing began, which indicates that the dramatic decline was due to stopping behavior or postponement of higher order births. Postponement of first births, either through PPT or SDT processes, greatly contributed to fertility decline in a small number of countries. Pooled cross-sectional time-series analyses of age-specific birthrates confirm that these two distinct processes are present and show that the economic crisis /nexplanation has explanatory power for declining birth rates. In contrast, logistic regressions show that the likelihood of postponing childbirth increases with improved economic conditions. These results confirm the importance of taking the economic context into account when discussing explanations for fertility decline. More specifically, the results indicate that the severity and duration of economic crisis, or absence thereof, influenced the extent and manner in which fertility declined.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© Sunnee Billingsley 2009. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com
This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial/nLicense which permits any noncommercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium,/nprovided the original author(s) and source are credited.
The post-communist fertility puzzle
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/162102021-06-25T11:17:53Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Billingsley, Sunnee
2012-02-09T09:52:36Z
2012-02-09T09:52:36Z
2011
Billingsley S. Exploring the conditions for a mortality crisis: bringing context back into the debate. Population, Space and Place. 2011; 17(3): 267-289. DOI 10.1002/psp.660
1544-8444
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/16210
This study engages with the debate over the mortality crises in the former Soviet Union and Central and Eastern Europe by 1) considering at length and as complementary to each other the two most prominent explanations for the post-communist mortality crisis, stress and alcohol consumption; 2) emphasizing the importance of context by exploiting systematic similarities and differences across the region. Differential mortality trajectories reveal three country groups that cluster both spatially and in terms of economic transition experiences. The first group are the countries furthest west in which mortality rates increased minimally after the transition began. The second group experienced a severe increase in mortality rates in the early 1990s, but recovered previous levels within a few years. These countries are located peripherally to Russia and its nearest neighbours. The final group consists of countries that experienced two mortality increases or in which mortality levels had not recovered to pre-transition levels well into the 21st century. Cross-sectional time-series data analyses of men’s and women’s age and cause-specific death rates reveal that the clustering of these countries and their mortality trajectories can be partially explained by the economic context, which is argued to be linked to stress and alcohol consumption. Above and beyond many basic differences in the country groups that are held constant—including geographically and historically shared cultural, lifestyle and social characteristics—poor economic conditions account for a remarkably consistent share of excess age-specific and cause-specific deaths.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. This is the pre-peer reviewed version of the following article: Billingsley S. Exploring the conditions for a mortality crisis: bringing context back into the debate. Population, Space and Place. 2011; 17(3): 267-289, which has been published in final form at http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/psp.660/abstract
Exploring the conditions for a mortality crisis: bringing context back into the debate
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/162142021-04-13T11:02:45Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208col_10230_8581
Rueda Pozo, Silvia
Artazcoz Lazcano, Lucía, 1963-
Navarro, Vicenç, 1937-
2012-02-09T11:26:20Z
2012-02-09T11:26:20Z
2008
Rueda S, Artazcoz L, Navarro V. Health inequalities among the elderly in western Europe. Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health. 2008; 62(6): 492-498. DOI 10.1136/jech.2006.059279
0143-005X
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/16214
http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech.2006.059279
Background: This paper analyses gender inequalities in health status and in social determinants of health among the elderly in Western Europe. Methods: Data came from the first wave of the “Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe” (SHARE, 2004). For the purposes of this study a subsample of community-residing people aged 65-85 years with no paid work was selected (4218 men and 5007 women). Multiple logistic regression models separated by sex and adjusted for age and country were fitted. Results: Women were more likely to report poor health status, limitations in mobility and poor mental health. Whereas in both sexes educational attainment was associated with the three health indicators, household income was only related to poor self-rated health among women. The relationship between living arrangements and health differed by gender and was primarily associated with poor mental health. In both sexes, not living with the partner but living with other people and being the household head was related to poor mental health status (aOR=2.14; 95% CI=1.11-4.14 for men and aOR=1.75; 95% CI=1.12-2.72 for women). Additionally, women living with their partner and other(s) and those living alone were more likely to report poor mental health status (aOR=1.67; 95% CI=1.17-2.41 and aOR=1.58; 95% CI=1.26-1.97, respectively). Conclusions: Health inequalities persist among the elderly. Women have poorer health status than men and in both sexes the risk of poor health status increases among those with low educational attainment. Living arrangements are primarily associated with poor mental health status with patterns that differ by gender.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
(c) 2008 BMJ Publishing Group. This article has been accepted for publication in Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health. The definitive copyedited, typeset version: Rueda S, Artazcoz L, Navarro V. Health inequalities among the elderly in western Europe. Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health. 2008; 62(6): 492-498, is available online at: http://jech.bmj.com/
Health inequalities among the elderly in western Europe
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/162152021-06-25T11:18:39Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Rueda Pozo, Silvia
Artazcoz Lazcano, Lucía, 1963-
2012-02-09T12:07:07Z
2012-02-09T12:07:07Z
2009
Rueda S, Artazcoz L. Gender inequality in health among elderly people in a combined framework of socioeconomic position, family characteristics and social support . Ageing and Society. 2009; 29: 625-647. DOI 10.1017/S0144686X08008349
0144-686X
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/16215
http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0144686X08008349
This study analyses gender inequalities in health among elderly people in Catalonia (Spain) by adopting a conceptual framework that globally considers three dimensions of health determinants : socio-economic position, family characteristics and social support. Data came from the 2006 Catalonian Health Survey. For the purposes of this study a sub-sample of people aged 65–85 years with no paid job was selected (1,113 men and 1,484 women). The health outcomes analysed were self-perceived health status, poor mental health status and long-standing limiting illness. Multiple logistic regression models separated by sex were fitted and a hierarchical model was fitted in three steps. Health status among elderly women was poorer than among the men for the three outcomes analysed. Whereas living with disabled people was positively related to the three health outcomes and confidant social support was negatively associated with all of them in both sexes, there were gender differences in other social determinants of health. Our results emphasise the importance of using an integrated approach for the analysis of health inequalities among elderly people, simultaneously considering socio-economic position, family characteristics and social support, as well as different health indicators, in order fully to understand the social determinants of the health status of older men and women.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
(c) Cambridge University Press. The published version of the article: Rueda S, Artazcoz L. Gender inequality in health among elderly people in a combined framework of socioeconomic position, family characteristics and social support . Ageing and Society. 2009; 29: 625-647, is available at http://journals.cambridge.org
Gender inequality in health among elderly people in a combined framework of socioeconomic position, family characteristics and social support
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/163382018-01-24T08:26:23Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Billingsley, Sunnee
2012-03-29T14:05:39Z
2012-03-29T14:05:39Z
2011
Billingsley S. Economic crisis and recovery: changes in second birth rates within occupational classes and educational groups. Demogr Res. 2011; 24(16): 375-406. DOI 10.4054/DemRes.2011.24.16
1435-9871
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/16338
http://dx.doi.org/10.4054/DemRes.2011.24.16
This study assesses the decline in second birth rates for men and women across different skill levels in transitional Russia. Changes within educational groups and occupational classes are observed over three distinct time periods: the Soviet era, economic crisis, and economic recovery. The most remarkable finding is the similarity in the extent second birth rates declined within educational groups and occupational classes during the economic crisis. Although further decline occurred in the recovery period, more variation emerged across groups.
eng
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/2.0/de/deed.en
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License, 2.0 Germany (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/2.0/de/deed.en). Billingsley S. Economic crisis and recovery: changes in second birth rates within occupational classes and educational groups. Demogr Res. 2011; 24(16):375-406
Economic crisis and recovery: changes in second birth rates within occupational classes and educational groups
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/232702018-01-24T08:08:08Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208col_10230_8581
Moortel, Deborah De
Vandenheede, Hadewijch
Vanroelen, Christophe
2015-03-25T10:42:59Z
2015-03-25T10:42:59Z
2014
De Moortel D, Vandenheede H, Vanroelen C. Contemporary employment arrangements and mental well-being in men and women across Europe: a cross-sectional study. International Journal for Equity in Health. 2014; 13(1): 90. DOI 10.1186/s12939-014-0090-6
1475-9276
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/23270
http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s12939-014-0090-6
Introduction: There is the tendency in occupational health research of approximating the 'changed world of work' with a sole focus on the intrinsic characteristics of the work task, encompassing the job content and working conditions. This is insufficient to explain the mental health risks associated with contemporary paid work as not only the nature of work tasks have changed but also the terms and conditions of employment. The main aim of the present study is to investigate whether a set of indicators referring to quality of the employment arrangement is associated with the well-being of people in salaried employment. Associations between the quality of contemporary employment arrangements and mental well-being in salaried workers are investigated through a multidimensional set of indicators for employment quality (contract type; income; irregular and/or unsocial working hours; employment status; training; participation; and representation). The second and third aim are to investigate whether the relation between employment quality and mental well-being is different for employed men and women and across different welfare regimes. Methods: Cross-sectional data of salaried workers aged 15¿65 from 21 EU-member states (n =11,940) were obtained from the 2010 European Social Survey. Linear regression analyses were performed. Results: For both men and women, and irrespective of welfare regime, several sub-dimensions of low employment quality are significantly related with poor mental well-being. Most of the significant relations persist after controlling for intrinsic job characteristics. An insufficient household income and irregular and/or unsocial working hours are the strongest predictors of poor mental well-being. A differential vulnerability of employed men and women to the sub-dimensions of employment quality is found in Traditional family and Southern European welfare regimes. Conclusions: There are significant relations between indicators of low employment quality and poor mental well-being, also when intrinsic characteristics of the work task are controlled. Gender differences are least pronounced in Earner-carer countries.
eng
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© 2014 De Moortel et al.; licensee BioMed Central Ltd. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly credited. The Creative Commons Public Domain Dedication waiver (http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/) applies to the data made available in this article, unless otherwise stated.
Contemporary employment arrangements and mental well-being in men and women across Europe: a cross-sectional study
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/252702020-06-18T09:48:14Zcom_10230_6237com_10230_5542com_10230_16076col_10230_6238col_10230_16208
Vives Vergara, Alejandra, 1971-
Amable, Marcelo
Ferrer, Montserrat
Moncada i Lluís, Salvador, 1957-
Llorens Serrano, Clara
Muntaner, Carles, 1957-
Benavides, Fernando G. (Fernando García)
Benach, Joan
2015-11-30T16:21:40Z
2015-11-30T16:21:40Z
2013
Vives A, Amable M, Ferrer M, Moncada S, Llorens C, Muntaner C et al. Employment precariousness and poor mental health: evidence from Spain on a new social determinant of health. Journal of Environmental and Public Health. 2013;2013: 978656. DOI: 10.1155/2013/978656
1687-9805
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/25270
http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/978656
BACKGROUND: Evidence on the health-damaging effects of precarious employment is limited by the use of one-dimensional approaches focused on employment instability. This study assesses the association between precarious employment and poor mental health using the multidimensional Employment Precariousness Scale. METHODS: Cross-sectional study of 5679 temporary and permanent workers from the population-based Psychosocial Factors Survey was carried out in 2004-2005 in Spain. Poor mental health was defined as SF-36 mental health scores below the 25th percentile of the Spanish reference for each respondent's sex and age. Prevalence proportion ratios (PPRs) of poor mental health across quintiles of employment precariousness (reference: 1st quintile) were calculated with log-binomial regressions, separately for women and men. RESULTS: Crude PPRs showed a gradient association with poor mental health and remained generally unchanged after adjustments for age, immigrant status, socioeconomic position, and previous unemployment. Fully adjusted PPRs for the 5th quintile were 2.54 (95% CI: 1.95-3.31) for women and 2.23 (95% CI: 1.86-2.68) for men. CONCLUSION: The study finds a gradient association between employment precariousness and poor mental health, which was somewhat stronger among women, suggesting an interaction with gender-related power asymmetries. Further research is needed to strengthen the epidemiological evidence base and to inform labour market policy-making.
eng
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© 2013 Alejandra Vives et al. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Employment precariousness and poor mental health: evidence from Spain on a new social determinant of health
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/259802021-11-16T07:37:20Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Riba i Romeva, Clara
Ballart, Xavier
Blasco, Jaume
2016-03-11T08:55:15Z
2016-03-11T08:55:15Z
2011
Riba C, Ballart X, Blasco J. Minimum income and labour market integration processes: individual and institutional determinants. Revista española de investigaciones sociológicas. 2011;133:45-58.
0210-5233
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/25980
http://dx.doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.133.43
This article discusses whether activation policies have had a positive/neffect on benefi ciaries of minimum income protection in Catalonia/n(Spain). The article fi rst confi rms that social assistance benefi ciaries/nwith higher employability levels have greater chances of fi nding a job./nSecond, the article identifi es different profi les of benefi ciaries and examines/nthe characteristics of those who did not fi nd jobs in a favourable/neconomic context. The results suggest that it is personal problems/nthat act as barriers. Third, the article also examines to what extent/npublic management is responsible for the results. For this purpose, it/ncompares the performance of administrative units, controlling for the/ncharacteristics of their clients. Finally, the article discusses whether/nmaking social assistance dependent on activation is a good strategy for/nthe majority of benefi ciaries with particularly diffi cult profi les, and what/nadministrations can do.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Artículo publicado en la Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas, http://dx.doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.133.43
Minimum income and labour market integration processes: individual and institutional determinants
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/259812021-11-16T07:39:24Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Riba i Romeva, Clara
Torcal, Mariano
Morales Diez de Ulzurrun, Laura
2016-03-11T08:55:19Z
2016-03-11T08:55:19Z
2010
Riba C, Torcal M, Morales L. Estrategias para aumentar la tasa de respuesta y sus resultados en la Encuesta Social Europea en España. Revista internacional de sociología. 2010;68(3):603-635. DOI: 10.3989/ris.2008.12.17
0034-9712
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/25981
http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/ris.2008.12.17
El análisis de los datos de la tercera ola de la Encuesta Social Europea en España y su comparación con/nlos de las dos olas precedentes permiten descubrir los factores que más han incidido en la mejora de los/nresultados y cuál es el perfil de las personas sobre las que es más rentable concentrar los esfuerzos de/nlocalización y de conversión de negativas, siendo las localizaciones y las conversiones las que, en definitiva,/nhan constituido las principales claves del éxito. El trabajo muestra que el aumento de la tasa de respuesta de/nla tercera ola con respecto de las dos olas precedentes fue debido esencialmente a un mayor y mejor control/nde los procesos de campo, a un incremento de los incentivos a los entrevistadores y a un mayor esfuerzo de/nlocalización y conversión de negativas en horarios fuera de la jornada laboral habitual.
spa
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© CSIC. Los originales publicados en las ediciones impresa y electrónica de esta Revista son propiedad del Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, siendo necesario citar la procedencia en cualquier reproducción parcial o total. Salvo indicación contraria, todos los contenidos de la edición electrónica se distribuyen bajo una licencia de uso y distribución “Creative Commons Reconocimiento-No Comercial 3.0 España” (CC-by-nc) http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/es/
Estrategias para aumentar la tasa de respuesta y sus resultados en la Encuesta Social Europea en España
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/259822023-03-21T15:39:21Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Riba i Romeva, Clara
Cuxart, Anna
2016-03-11T08:55:22Z
2016-03-11T08:55:22Z
2009
Cuxart A, Riba C. Mejorando a partir de la experiencia: la implementación de la tercera ola de la ESE en España. Revista española de investigaciones sociológicas. 2009;125:147-68.
0210-5233
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/25982
La Encuesta Social Europea (ESE), creada con el doble objetivo de estudiar el cambio social y de aportar mejoras en la creación y diseño de instrumentos de medida de esa realidad, ha finalizado ya su tercera ola. La presente nota metodológica reflexiona acerca de la utilidad de analizar los datos de las olas precedentes en el proceso de mejora continua de la encuesta. Así, en el caso español, la experiencia acumulada en las primeras ediciones ha permitido: 1) validar el cuestionario; 2) afinar el ajuste del diseño muestral a las características del país, y 3) mejorar sustancialmente la calidad de los datos obtenidos. El trabajo muestra cómo el esfuerzo coordinado del equipo español de la ESE y la empresa encuestadora ha resultado en un incremento notable en el grado de cumplimiento de los objetivos de la encuesta, hecho que da garantía a la representatividad de la muestra finalmente obtenida.
spa
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© CSIC. Los originales publicados en las ediciones impresa y electrónica de esta Revista son propiedad del Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, siendo necesario citar la procedencia en cualquier reproducción parcial o total. Salvo indicación contraria, todos los contenidos de la edición electrónica se distribuyen bajo una licencia de uso y distribución “Creative Commons Reconocimiento-No Comercial 3.0 España” (CC-by-nc) http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/es/
Mejorando a partir de la experiencia: la implementación de la tercera ola de la ESE en España
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/259982021-11-16T07:41:23Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Pallarès, Francesc
Riba i Romeva, Clara
Fraile, Marta
2016-03-16T12:41:07Z
2016-03-16T12:41:07Z
2007
Pallarés F, Riba C, Fraile M. Variables socioestructurales y comportamiento electoral en las elecciones generales españolas: una perspectiva evolutiva 1979-2000. Revista de estudios políticos. 2007;(135):105-154.
0048-7694
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/25998
En este trabajo se analiza el comportamiento electoral de los españoles en las/nelecciones generales en función de sus características socioeconómicas: edad, género,/nnivel de estudios, clase social y religión. Después de una descripción bivariada/nsistemática de la relación de estas variables con el voto se realiza en un análisis multivariado/nde los componentes de la decisión de voto en las elecciones del 2000. Los/nresultados muestran la desaparición del componente de género y el papel importante/nque siguen jugando la edad, la religiosidad, y la clase social. Las variables socioestructurales pierden significación cuando se introducen variables de identificación y/nde coyuntura, debido principalmente a que están en la base de la formación de las/nidentidades y opiniones que quedan recogidas en estas últimas variables.
spa
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales. Pallarés F, Riba C, Fraile M. Variables socioestructurales y comportamiento electoral en las elecciones generales españolas: una perspectiva evolutiva 1979-2000. Revista de estudios políticos. 2007;(135):105-154.http://www.cepc.gob.es/publicaciones/revistas/revistaselectronicas?IDR=3%20&IDN=613&IDA=26364
Variables socioestructurales y comportamiento electoral en las elecciones generales españolas: una perspectiva evolutiva 1979-2000
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/259992021-11-16T07:43:14Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Torcal, Mariano
Morales Diez de Ulzurrun, Laura
Riba i Romeva, Clara
2016-03-16T12:41:11Z
2016-03-16T12:41:11Z
2006
Torcal M, Morales L, Riba C. Supervisión y control de calidad del trabajo de campo de la Encuesta Social Europea en España: evaluación y resultados. Metodología de encuestas. 2006;1(8):75-98.
1575-7803
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/25999
Este artículo persigue dos objetivos fundamentales. En primer lugar, pretende aportar una visión general de los/nprocesos de supervisión y control de calidad del trabajo de campo que se realizan en el estudio /nespañol de la Encuesta Social Europea (ESE). En segundo lugar, el artículo presenta un análisis preliminar de los datos /nobtenidos con los formularios de contacto de la ESE, con el fin de proporcionar una idea clara sobre el potencial analítico que alberga este/ninstrumento de la ESE y conocer algunos resultados de las estrategias y diseño del trabajo de /ncampo.
spa
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Publicado inicialmente en Metodología de Encuestas. Licenciado bajo una Creative Commons Attribution License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/ que permite a otros compartir el trabajo con un reconocimiento de la autoría del trabajo.
Supervisión y control de calidad del trabajo de campo de la Encuesta Social Europea en España: evaluación y resultados
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/260002023-03-21T15:40:19Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Riba i Romeva, Clara
Bosch, Agustí
2016-03-16T12:41:14Z
2016-03-16T12:41:14Z
2005
Bosch A, Riba C. Coyuntura económica y voto en España, 1985-1996. Papers. 2005;75:117-40.
0210-2862
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/26000
El artículo presenta un modelo de popularidad para el Gobierno español entre 1985 y 1996. El modelo se ha elaborado con datos trimestrales procedentes de encuestas del CIS y de la UE y datos económicos procedentes de la OCDE y del INE. Los resultados enfatizan la gran influencia que tuvieron algunas variables de la coyuntura macroeconómica sobre la popularidad del Gobierno socialista, pero sobre todo la influencia que ejercieron las percepciones sobre esta coyuntura macroeconómica. Además, también se revelan las influencias de algunas variables políticas: el carisma del presidente, la adhesión a la CE, la guerra de Kuwait y el escándalo Filesa.
spa
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Aquest document està subjecte a una llicència Creative Commons http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/es/
Coyuntura económica y voto en España, 1985-1996
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/260782023-03-21T15:44:32Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Ballart, Xavier
Riba i Romeva, Clara
2016-04-13T13:38:26Z
2016-04-13T13:38:26Z
2015
Ballart X, Riba C. La motivación para el servicio público de los altos funcionarios españoles: medida y efectos. Revista española de investigaciones sociológicas. 2015;(154):65-82. DOI: 10.5477/cis/reis.154.65
0210-5233
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/26078
http://dx.doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.154.65
Este artículo presenta el concepto de “motivación para el servicio público” (MSP) en el contexto español y su posible utilidad como instrumento de gestión pública para evaluar si los empleados de los servicios públicos están motivados por valores públicos. En el artículo se mide MSP de dos maneras (en un caso añadiendo algunos ítems a la escala internacional original con el objeto de adaptarla al contexto institucional español) y se analiza la relación entre MSP y dos de las principales actitudes, compromiso organizacional y satisfacción en el trabajo, que la literatura ha considerado consecuencias posibles de tener un elevado nivel de MSP. Este tipo de investigación tiene un elevado grado de aplicabilidad en gestión de personal.
spa
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
La 'motivación para el servicio público' de los altos funcionarios españoles: medida y efectos
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/260792021-06-25T11:41:15Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Riba i Romeva, Clara
2016-04-13T13:38:29Z
2016-04-13T13:38:29Z
2008
Riba C. El comportament electoral dual a Catalunya. Eines per a l'esquerra nacional. 2008;5:13-29.
2013-1518
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/26079
Cada vegada que finalitza un cicle electoral afloren multitud d’interpretacions sobre el comportament electoral /ndels catalans i catalanes. Observem els resultats dels diferents comicis i iniciem un joc de sumes i restes per intentar desxifrar qui ha robat vots a qui com si els guanys /ni pèrdues de cada formació estiguessin determinats per /nun traspàs automàtic de vots. Una lectura molt simple /ni sovint tendenciosa dels cicles electorals que no sol /ncorrespondre amb el comportament real de l’electorat. /nI menys en el cas català, on fenòmens com el vot dual /no l’abstenció diferencial dificulten encara més aquesta /nanàlisi.
cat
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
El comportament electoral dual a Catalunya
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/262822023-03-21T15:47:15Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Ballart, Xavier
Riba i Romeva, Clara
2016-05-13T13:42:57Z
2016-05-13T13:42:57Z
2017
Ballart X, Riba C. Contextualized measures of public service motivation: the case of Spain. International Review of Administrative Sciences. 2017;83(1):43-62. DOI: 10.1177/0020852315574995
0020-8523
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/26282
http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852315574995
Since the initial ‘public service motivation’ concept and measures were developed, various studies have raised concerns with regard to cultural differences. According to previous research trying to supplement the four original dimensions of the original construct with a fifth dimension, this study follows this same strategy, taking into account three aspects of the Napoleonic administrative tradition. The analysis captures one new dimension with political loyalty values, which slightly improves the measurement of public service motivation in that specific context.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
The final, definitive version of this paper has been published in International Review of Administrative Sciences, 83(1), © 2017 by SAGE Publications Ltd, All rights reserved.
Contextualized measures of public service motivation: the case of Spain
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/275542018-01-24T08:03:08Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Solé Auró, Aïda
Alcañiz, Manuela
2016-11-21T16:09:35Z
2016-11-21T16:09:35Z
2016
Solé Auró A, Alcañiz M. Educational attainment, gender and health inequalities among older adults in Catalonia (Spain). International Journal for Equity in Health. 2016; 15:126. DOI: 10.1186/s12939-016-0414-9
1475-9276
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/27554
http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s12939-016-0414-9
Background: Health expectancies vary worldwide according to socioeconomic status (SES), with health disadvantages being evident among lower SES groups. Using educational attainment as a proxy of SES, we seek to identify trends in SES differentials in health by gender, with a particular focus on individuals with low educational attainment in the adult Catalan population (Spain) aged 55 or older. Methods: Using cross-sectional data for 1994 and 2010-2014 drawn from the Catalan Health Survey, we examined three health indicators to document social health inequalities: self-perceived health, functional limitations, and restrictions on activities of daily living (ADL). We applied logistic models for each indicator, controlling for sociodemographic characteristics, health coverage and health behaviours./nResults: Among the less-educated, females presented a greater improvement in their self-perceived health over time than did their male counterparts, there being no significant variations among the medium/high educated. Regardless of education, males showed an increase in the prevalence of functional problems (as did the women, but the increase was not statistically significant). Both genders presented a higher prevalence of limitations when performing ADL in the second time period. The gender health gap was reduced slightly both for the low and the medium/high educated, expect in the case of ADL restrictions. Health and functioning differences by education level persisted, but showed significant signs of reduction./nConclusions: Less-educated females constitute the most disadvantaged group in terms of health and personal autonomy, though there are encouraging signs that the gap is closing both in terms of gender and level of education. Health policymakers need to devote particular attention to the aging population with low SES, especially to women. Public programmes promoting greater protection and equity, while fostering preventive and healthy practices, need to target the most underprivileged.
eng
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© 2016 The Author(s). Open Access. This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made.
Educational attainment, gender and health inequalities among older adults in Catalonia (Spain)
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/276082021-06-25T11:49:35Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Azagra, Rafael
Zwart, Marta
Encabo, Gloria
Aguyé, Amada
Martin-Sánchez, Juan Carlos
Puchol-Ruiz, Nuria
Gabriel-Escoda, Paula
Ortiz-Alinque, Sergio
Gené, Emilio
Iglesias, Milagros
Moriña, David
Diaz-Herrera, Miguel Angel
Utzet Sadurní, Mireia
Manresa, Josep Maria
GROIMAP study group
2016-11-25T12:27:15Z
2016-11-25T12:27:15Z
2016
Azagra R, Zwart M, Encabo M, Aguyé A, Martin-Sánchez JC, Puchol-Ruiz N, Gabriel-Escoda P, Ortiz-Alinque S, Gené E, Iglesias M, Moriña D, Diaz-Herrera MA, Utzet M, Manresa JM, GROIMAP study group. Rationale of the Spanish FRAX model in decision-making for predicting osteoporotic fractures: an update of FRIDEX cohort of Spanish women. BMC Musculoskeletal Disorders. 2016; 17:262. DOI: 10.1186/s12891-016-1096-6
1471-2474
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/27608
http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s12891-016-1096-6
Background: The FRAX® tool estimates the risk of a fragility fracture among the population and many countries have been evaluating its performance among their populations since its creation in 2007. The purpose of this study is to update the first FRIDEX cohort analysis comparing FRAX with the bone mineral density (BMD) model, and its predictive abilities. Methods: The discriminatory ability of the FRAX was assessed using the ‘area under curve’ of the receiver operating characteristic (AUC-ROC). Predictive ability was assessed by comparing estimated risk fractures with incidence fractures after a 10-year follow up period. Results: One thousand three hundred eight women ≥ 40 and ≤ 90 years followed up during a 10-year period. The AUC for major osteoporotic fractures using FRAX without DXA was 0.686 (95 % CI 0.630–0.742) and using FN T-score of DXA 0.714 (95 % CI 0.661–0.767). Using only the traditional parameters of DXA (FN T-score), the AUC was 0.706 (95 % CI 0.652–0.760). The AUC for hip osteoporotic fracture was 0.883 (95 % CI 0.827–0.938), 0.857 (95 % CI 0.773–0.941), and 0.814 (95 % CI 0.712–0.916) respectively. For major osteoporotic fractures, the overall predictive value using the ratio Observed fractures/Expected fractures calculated with FRAX without T-score of DXA was 2.29 and for hip fractures 2.28 and with the inclusion of the T-score 2.01 and 1.83 respectively. However, for hip fracture in women < 65 years was 1.53 and 1.24 respectively. Conclusions: The FRAX tool has been found to show a good discriminatory capacity for detecting women at high risk of fragility fracture, and is better for hip fracture than major fracture. The test of sensibility shows that it is, at least, not inferior than when using BMD model alone. The predictive capacity of FRAX tool needs some adjustment. This capacity is better for hip fracture prediction and better for women < 65 years. Further studies in Catalonia and other regions of Spain are needed to fine tune the FRAX tool’s predictive capability.
eng
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© 2016 The Author(s). Open Access. This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.or /licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made.
Rationale of the Spanish FRAX model in decision-making for predicting osteoporotic fractures: an update of FRIDEX cohort of Spanish women
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/328772018-01-24T08:25:01Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Salvador Serna, Miquel
Riba i Romeva, Clara
2017-10-09T09:50:40Z
2017-10-09T09:50:40Z
2017
Salvador M, Riba C. Outsourcing as management strategy in local public services. Rev Adm Pública. 2017;51(4): 633-52. DOI: 10.1590/0034-7612156256
0034-7612
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/32877
http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7612156256
A modo de contribución al debate académico sobre el uso de la externalización como fórmula de provisión de los servicios públicos locales, el artículo plantea focalizar la atención en los factores político-institucionales. A partir de la revisión de los principales argumentos presentes en la literatura se plantea su contraste empírico a través de un estudio transversal que comprende todos los municipios de más de 5 mil habitantes de Catalunya, una Comunidad Autónoma española. Se construye una tipología de municipios mediante un análisis de componentes principales y un análisis clúster y se contrasta la existencia de diferencias en el porcentaje de externalización entre tipos de municipios. Los resultados muestran la relevancia de los factores político-institucionales en la selección de la fórmula de prestación de servicios y permiten identificar tres estrategias que plantean la externalización como mecanismo de flexibilidad en la gestión pública.
Como contributo para o debate acadêmico sobre o uso da terceirização como um meio de fornecer serviços públicos locais, o artigo se propõe a chamar a atenção para os fatores políticos e institucionais. A partir da revisão dos principais argumentos presentes na literatura, seu contraste empírico surge por meio de um estudo transversal que compreende todos os municípios com mais de 5 mil habitantes da Comunidade Autônoma da Catalunha, na Espanha. Elabora-se uma tipologia de municípios mediante uma análise de componentes principais e uma análise de clusters em que se contrastam as diferenças de percentagens de externalização entre diferentes tipos de municípios. Os resultados mostram a importância dos fatores políticos e institucionais na escolha da fórmula de prestação de serviços e permitem identificar três estratégias que enfocam a externalização como um mecanismo de flexibilidade na gestão pública.
As a contribution to the academic debate on the use of outsourcing as a formula for the provision of local public services, the article proposes to focus attention on political-institutional factors. The paper departs from the review of the main arguments highlighted by the literature and it contrasts their expected results in cross-sectional study based on data from all the municipalities with over 5,000 inhabitants in Catalonia, a Spanish Autonomous Community. A typology of municipalities is constructed through principal component analysis and a cluster analysis and the existence of differences in the percentage of outsourcing among types of municipalities is tested. The results show the relevance of political-institutional factors in the selection of the service provision formula and allow us to identify three strategies that propose outsourcing as a mechanism of flexibility of public management.
eng
spa
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.en
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
All the contents of this journal, except where otherwise noted, is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution License.
Outsourcing as management strategy in local public services
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/343942018-04-19T09:09:13Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Pessin, Léa
Arpino, Bruno
2018-04-18T08:33:32Z
2018-04-18T08:33:32Z
2018
Pessin L, Arpino B. Navigating between two cultures: immigrants' gender attitudes toward working women. Demogr Res. 2018;38: 967–1016. DOI: 10.4054/DemRes.2018.38.35
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/34394
http://dx.doi.org/10.4054/DemRes.2018.38.35
Background: Gender attitudes toward women’s employment are of particular importance because they positively influence gender-equal outcomes in the labor market. Our understanding of the mechanisms that promote egalitarian gender attitudes among immigrants, however, remains limited.
Objective: By studying first- and second-generation immigrants from multiple origins and living in different countries, this article seeks to explain under what conditions the prevalent cultural attitudes toward gender roles at the origin and destination influence immigrants’ gender attitudes. We address three main research questions. First, does the country-of-origin gender ideology influence immigrants’ views toward working women? Second, does the country-of-destination gender ideology influence immigrants’ views toward working women? And third, are these relationships moderated by (1) the immigrant generation; (2) the age at arrival in the country of destination; (3) the length of residence at the destination?
Methods: Using data from the European Social Survey, we model immigrants’ gender attitudes toward working women by using linear cross-classified models to account for clustering into the country of origin and destination.
Results: The results highlight the importance of the context of early socialization in shaping immigrants’ gender attitudes. First-generation immigrants, and more specifically adult migrants, hold gender attitudes that reflect more strongly the country of origin’s gender culture. In contrast, the positive association between gender ideology at destination and immigrants’ gender attitudes is stronger among second-generation immigrants and child migrants.
Contribution: We add to the literature on gender ideology formation by analyzing the influence of gender ideology at the origin and destination levels on the gender attitudes of immigrants from 96 countries of origin and residing across 32 countries of destination.
eng
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/2.0/de/deed.en
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License, 2.0 Germany (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/2.0/de/deed.en)."Pessin L, Arpino B. Navigating between two cultures: immigrants' gender attitudes toward working women. Demogr Res. 2018;38: 967–1016".
Navigating between two cultures: immigrants' gender attitudes toward working women
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/362152019-01-09T08:17:17Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Pulignano, Valeria
Ortiz Gervasi, Luis
de Franceschi, Fabio
2019-01-08T09:59:22Z
2019-01-08T09:59:22Z
2016
Pulignano V, Ortiz Gervasi L, de Franceschi F. Union responses to precarious workers: Italy and Spain compared. Eur J Ind Relat. 2016 Mar 1;22(1):39-55. DOI: 10.1177/0959680115621410
0959-6801
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/36215
http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680115621410
Transformations of European labour markets and welfare systems have deepened the problem of precarious work, leading trade unions to develop strategies to represent and organize the workers affected. We focus on Italy and Spain, two of the countries with the most precarious labour markets in Europe, and address the specificity and variety of union responses. We relate these responses to the different institutional contexts, including employment and welfare regulation, and the power resources unions can draw upon.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© Valeria Pulignano, Luis Ortiz Gervasi, Fabio de Franceschi, Union responses to precarious workers: Italy and Spain compared, European Journal of Industrial Relations. 2016 Mar 1;22(1):39-55. Copyright © 2016 SAGE Publications. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680115621410
The final, definitive version of this paper has been published in European Journal of Industrial Relations, 22/1, Dec/2015 by SAGE Publications Ltd, All rights reserved. © The Author(s) 2016
Union responses to precarious workers: Italy and Spain compared
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/362162020-11-26T09:14:55Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Zapata Barrero, Ricard
2019-01-08T09:59:26Z
2019-01-08T09:59:26Z
2009
Zapata, R. Policies and public opinion towards immigrants: the Spanish case. Ethn Racial Stud. 2009 Jul 27;32(7): 1101-20. DOI: 10.1080/01419870802302280
0141-9870
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/36216
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870802302280
By tackling negative opinions towards immigration we can create a basis to orientate policies that seek to reduce them. My purpose is to highlight that the analysis of immigration in Spain exemplifies a clear link between policies and public opinion. It is this link that is at the basis of what I will call the ambivalence of Spanish public opinion, when border and integration issues are compared.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Ethnic and Racial Studies on 27 Jul 2009, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/01419870802302280
Policies and public opinion towards immigrants: the Spanish case
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/422122023-06-23T07:33:08Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Rodríguez Menés, Jorge
Rovira Sopeña, Martí
2019-07-31T09:50:51Z
2019-07-31T09:50:51Z
2021
Rodríguez J, Rovira M. Assessing discrimination in correspondence studies. Sociological Methods & Research. 2021 Nov;50(4):1584-1622. DOI: 10.1177/0049124119826152
0049-1241
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/42212
http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049124119826152
Correspondence studies are popular tools for assessing discrimination against minorities, for example, in the labor market. Typically, two fake Curriculum Vitae (CVs) are sent to multiple job openings. The CVs are equivalent except for a mark identifying the disadvantaged. While it is straightforward to establish discrimination from minorities’ lower response rates, it is often unclear what its source may be. Discrimination may result as much from employers’ aversion toward a minority, as from perceptions that members have lower or more dispersed abilities that are unstandardizable in a CV. We refine existing methodologies to propose a wider-scope method capable of disentangling these three sources of discrimination and establish its face validity applying it to a correspondence study aimed at assessing labor market discrimination against ex-convicts in a local market.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Rodríguez J, Rovira, M. Assessing discrimination in correspondence studies. Sociological Methods & Research. Copyright © 2019 SAGE Publications. DOI: 10.1177/0049124119826152
Assessing discrimination in correspondence studies
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/425642022-10-03T11:23:55Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Saris, Willem E.
2019-10-30T10:58:52Z
2019-10-30T10:58:52Z
2012
Saris WE. Discussion evaluation procedures of survey questions. Journal of Official Statistics. 2012;28(4):537-51.
0282-423X
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/42564
In this article, different criteria for the choice of an evaluation procedure for survey questions
are discussed. Firstly, we mention a practical criterion: the amount of data collection the
procedures require. Secondly, we suggest the distinction between personal judgments and
model-based evaluations of questions. Thirdly, we suggest that it would be attractive if the
procedure could evaluate the following aspects of the questions: 1. The relationship between
the concept to be measured and the question specified; 2. The effects of the form of the
question on the quality of the question with respect to: a. the complexity of the formulation,
b. the precision, c. possible method effects, d. many other characteristics; 3. The social
desirability of some of the response categories. Besides that, it would be desirable if the
procedure could indicate the effect of respondents lack of the knowledge about the topic on
their answers. We compare 13 procedures for the evaluation of questions with respect to these
criteria and will derive some conclusions from this overview.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© Statistics Sweden
Discussion evaluation procedures of survey questions
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/431462022-10-03T11:23:26Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Alsina Burgués, Victòria
Martí, José Luis
2019-12-12T08:10:52Z
2019-12-12T08:10:52Z
2018
Alsina V, Martí JL. The birth of the crowdlaw movement: tech-based citizen participation, legitimacy and the quality of lawmaking. Analyse & Kritik. 2018;40(2):337-58. DOI: 10.1515/auk-2018-0019.
0171-5860
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/43146
http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auk-2018-0019
One of the most urgent debates of our time is about the exact role that new technologies can and should play in our societies and particularly in our public decision-making processes. This paper is a first attempt to introduce the idea of CrowdLaw, defined as online public participation leveraging new technologies to tap into diverse sources of information, judgments and expertise at each stage of the law and policymaking cycle to improve the quality as well as the legitimacy of the resulting laws and policies. First, we explain why CrowdLaw differs from many previous forms of political participation. Second,we reproduce and explain the CrowdLaw Manifesto that the rising CrowdLaw community has elaborated to foster such approaches around the world. Lastly, we introduce some preliminary considerations on the notions of justice, legitimacy and quality of lawmaking and public decision-making, which are central to the idea of CrowdLaw.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© De Gruyter Published version available at https://doi.org/10.1515/auk-2018-0019
The birth of the crowdlaw movement: tech-based citizen participation,
legitimacy and the quality of lawmaking
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/435372022-10-03T11:21:36Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Vannieuwenhuyze, Jorre T.A.
Revilla, Melanie
2020-02-10T10:21:27Z
2020-02-10T10:21:27Z
2013
Vannieuwenhuyze JTA, Revilla M. Relative mode effects on data quality in mixed-mode surveys by an instrumental variable. Survey Research Methods. 2013;7(3):157-68. DOI: 10.18148/srm/2013.v7i3.5137
1864-3361
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/43537
http://dx.doi.org/10.18148/srm/2013.v7i3.5137
In order to compare data-quality of different data-collection modes, multitrait-multimethod (MTMM) experiments have been implemented in a mixed-mode experiment parallel to the European Social Survey (ESS) fourth round (2008/2009). Special interest lies in measurement effects between the modes which refer to the pure impact of a data-collection mode on the quality. Nevertheless, mere comparison between quality estimates of the different modes does not allow drawing conclusions about measurement effects. Indeed, measurement effects may be completely confounded with selection effects which refer to differences in respondents compositions across the modes. However, by comparing the mixed-mode data with the main ESS data and treating the dataset of origin as an instrumental variable, some conditional measurement effects and selection effects can be disentangled. This paper provides a preliminary exploratory analysis of this approach. The results generally yield low to fair measurement effects while the selection effects on some items are rather large.
eng
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Copyright for articles published in this journal is retained by the authors, with first publication rights granted to the journal. By virtue of their appearance in this open access journal, users can use, reuse and build upon the material published in the journal but only for non-commercial purposes and with proper attribution.
Relative mode effects on data quality in mixed-mode surveys by an instrumental variable
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/435382022-10-03T11:21:12Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Revilla, Melanie
2020-02-10T10:52:06Z
2020-02-10T10:52:06Z
2013
Revilla M. Measurement invariance and quality of composite scores in a face-to-face and a web survey. Survey Research Methods. 2013;7(1):17-28. DOI: 10.18148/srm/2013.v7i1.5098
1864-336
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/43538
http://dx.doi.org/10.18148/srm/2013.v7i1.5098
Measurement equivalence is a pre-requisite to be able to make comparisons across groups. In this paper we are interested in testing measurement equivalence across respondents answering surveys done using different modes of data collection. Indeed, different modes of data collection have specific characteristics that may create measurement non-equivalence across modes. If this is so, data collected in different modes cannot be compared. This would be problematic since, in order to respond to new challenges, like costs and time pressure, more and more often researchers choose to use different modes to collect their data across time, across surveys, and across countries. Studying data about trust and attitudes towards immigration, this paper shows that measurement equivalence holds across a face-to-face and a web survey done in the Netherlands (2008-2009). Moreover, the quality estimates of the Composite Scores are quite high and pretty similar in the two surveys for the four concepts considered.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Copyright for articles published in this journal is retained by the authors, with first publication rights granted to the journal. By virtue of their appearance in this open access journal, users can use, reuse and build upon the material published in the journal but only for non-commercial purposes and with proper attribution.
Measurement invariance and quality of composite scores in a face-to-face and a web survey
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/435392022-10-03T11:23:07Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Weber, Wiebke
2020-02-10T11:57:19Z
2020-02-10T11:57:19Z
2011
Weber W. Testing for measurement equivalence of individuals' left-right orientation. Survey Research Methods. 2011;5(1):1-10. DOI: 10.18148/srm/2011.v5i1.4622
1864-3361
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/43539
http://dx.doi.org/10.18148/srm/2011.v5i1.4622
Subjective variables such as opinions, attitudes or preferences cannot be measured directly. Researchers have to rely on the answers people give in surveys, and whenever those answers shall be compared it is required that people answer these questions in the same way. Only then a concept can be used in different contexts. This paper deals with the measurement of the left-right concept: it analyses whether people make a distinction between a scale labelled 0 left and 10 right to one which is labelled 0 extreme left and 10 extreme right and tests whether the instrument is equivalent across groups. Following the three steps of invariance testing, configural, metric and scalar invariance, we find that the left-right response scale is on average equivalent across groups with different levels of political interest and different levels of education. This finding holds also in 23 of the 25 European countries tested, with the exception of the eastern part of Germany, Finland and France. In order to estimate how serious the difference between these two groups of countries is, we compare the observed means (which are affected by the difference) to the latent means (which are free of those effects), and the effect of the observed variable “attitude towards government’s intervention in the economy” on the observed variable “left-right self-placement” with the effect between these variables after correcting for scale difference. It was found that countries’ means can be compared but that the relationship with other variables might not be comparable among East Germany, Finland, France and the remaining countries.
eng
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Copyright for articles published in this journal is retained by the authors, with first publication rights granted to the journal. By virtue of their appearance in this open access journal, users can use, reuse and build upon the material published in the journal but only for non-commercial purposes and with proper attribution.
Testing for measurement equivalence of individuals' left-right orientation
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/435402022-10-03T11:22:38Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Revilla, Melanie
2020-02-10T11:57:23Z
2020-02-10T11:57:23Z
2010
Revilla M. Quality in unimode and mixed-mode designs: a multitrait-multimethod approach. Survey Research Methods. 2010;4(3):151-64. DOI: 10.18148/srm/2010.v4i3.4278
1864-3361
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/43540
http://dx.doi.org/10.18148/srm/2010.v4i3.4278
So far, most surveys used face-to-face or telephone questionnaires in order to collect data. But the costs of achieving a survey using these traditional modes increase. At the same time, the response rates decrease, making the idea of switching mode very attractive. Because each mode has its own weaknesses and strengths, the idea of mixing modes of data collection is becoming more and more popular. Nevertheless, combining different modes of data collection may be problematic if people answer differently depending on the mode. Also, a switch from a unimode to a mixed-mode design may threaten the comparability of the data across time. This paper focuses first on the selection effect and shows that different kinds of respondents answer in different modes: therefore, mixing modes might make sense since it may improve the representativeness of the sample keeping the costs low. It is still necessary however to guarantee that mixing modes would not threaten the comparability. Then, the paper therefore compares the quality of questions asked in a unimode and two mixed-mode surveys. Using data of the European Social Survey (ESS) in the Netherlands, and following a multitrait-multimethod approach (MTMM), few differences are found between the unimode and mixed-mode designs in terms of quality. Looking at the differences across modes lead to slightly less similarities, but overall the quality does not change much.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Copyright for articles published in this journal is retained by the authors, with first publication rights granted to the journal. By virtue of their appearance in this open access journal, users can use, reuse and build upon the material published in the journal but only for non-commercial purposes and with proper attribution.
Quality in unimode and mixed-mode designs: a multitrait-multimethod approach
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/435412022-10-03T11:22:00Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Saris, Willem E.
Revilla, Melanie
Krosnick, Jon A.
Shaeffer, Eric M.
2020-02-10T11:57:26Z
2020-02-10T11:57:26Z
2010
Saris WE, Revilla M, Krosnick JA, Shaeffer EM. Comparing questions with agree/disagree response options to questions with construct-specific response options. Survey Research Methods. 2010;4(1):61-79. DOI: 10.18148/srm/2010.v4i1.2682
1864-3361
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/43541
http://dx.doi.org/10.18148/srm/2010.v4i1.2682
Although Agree/Disagree (A/D) rating scales are hugely popular in the social sciences, a large body of research conducted during more than five decades has documented the bias that results from acquiescence in responses to these items. This may be a reason to prefer questions with Item Specific (IS) response options, but remarkably little research has explored whether responses to A/D rating scale questions are indeed of lower quality than responses to questions with IS response options. Using a research design that combines the advantages of a random assignment between-subjects experiment and the multitrait-multimethod approach in the context of representative sample surveys, we found that responses to A/D rating scale questions indeed had much lower quality than responses to comparable questions offering IS response options. These results attest to the superiority of questions with IS response options.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Copyright for articles published in this journal is retained by the authors, with first publication rights granted to the journal. By virtue of their appearance in this open access journal, users can use, reuse and build upon the material published in the journal but only for non-commercial purposes and with proper attribution.
Comparing questions with agree/disagree response options to questions with construct-specific response options
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/451842020-07-25T01:31:03Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Bodin, Theo
Çağlayan, Çiğdem
Garde, Anne Helene
Gnesi, Marco
Jonsson, Johanna
Kiran, Sibel
Kreshpaj, Bertina
Leinonen, Tania
Mehlum, Ingrid Sivesind
Nena, Evangelia
Orellana, Cecilia
Peckham, Trevor K.
Seixas, Noah S.
Vanroelen, Christophe
Julià, Mireia
2020-07-24T08:04:25Z
2020-07-24T08:04:25Z
2020
Bodin T, Çağlayan Ç, Garde AH, Gnesi M, Jonsson J, Kiran S et al. Precarious employment in occupational health – an OMEGA-NET working group position paper. Scand J Work Environ Health. 2020;46(3):321-9. DOI: 10.5271/sjweh.3860
0355-3140
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/45184
http://dx.doi.org/10.5271/sjweh.3860
Despite the growing use of the term precarious employment, there is no consensus on a theoretical framework or definition. This hampers the study of the subject, especially in public and occupational health. We propose a theoretical framework for understanding precarious employment as a multidimensional construct where unfavourable features of employment quality accumulate in the same job. Future research should apply an intersectional and multi-level approach to analysis, with a focus on improving exposure assessment and investigating mechanisms.
eng
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
Precarious employment in occupational health – an OMEGA-NET working group position paper
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/451922020-07-27T07:20:34Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Herrero Curiel, Eva
Planells de la Maza, Antoni, 1981-
2020-07-24T10:51:30Z
2020-07-24T10:51:30Z
2020
Herrero-Curiel E, Planells de la Maza AJ. Nuevas narrativas periodísticas entre la información y la simulación lúdica: los docuwebs y los newsgames. Palabra Clave. 2020;23(2):e2325. DOI: 10.5294/pacla.2020.23.2.5
0122-8285
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/45192
http://dx.doi.org/10.5294/pacla.2020.23.2.5
Este artículo tiene por objetivo analizar cómo cooperan el periodismo digital y la cultura del videojuego moderno en dos formas de simulación lúdica e inmersión periodística: los docuwebs y los newsgames. Para ello, se ha establecido una metodología de análisis cualitativo con una doble perspectiva: el nivel del discurso informativo-periodístico (es decir, los contenidos y sus formas de proyección) y a nivel de retórica procedural (esto es, a través de las mecánicas de juego) que se aplica a dos casos de estudio de RTVE Lab: el newsgame MonteLab y el docuweb Guerra a la mentira. Los principales resultados muestran cómo el diseño de MonteLab establece un diálogo entre un rico sistema de fuentes periodísticas y unas mecánicas de juego que habilitan la toma de decisiones ante los problemas sociales de la actualidad. En una línea similar, el docuweb Guerra a la mentira establece un conjunto de casos reales y usa la verificación de la información y las fake news como motor periodístico sobre el que construir una propuesta lúdica de resolución de puzles e impulso narrativo. Por todo ello, y a modo de conclusiones, podemos comprobar que el newsgame contemporáneo busca empoderar al jugador como un ciudadano informado que explota las dinámicas lúdicas para proveer soluciones sociales basadas en informaciones periodísticas. Por otro lado, el docuweb supera el estaticismo hipertextual para adentrarse en dinámicas más complejas y diseños lúdicos más inmersivos gracias a la superación de la mera descripción periodística de la realidad.
This article aims to discuss how digital journalism and the culture of modern videogames interface in two forms of playful simulation and journalistic immersion: docuwebs and newsgames. For this, a qualitative analysis method has been used with a double perspective: the level of informativejournalistic discourse (i.e., contents and their projections) and the level of procedural rhetoric (i.e., through game mechanics). This is applied to two RTVE Lab case studies: newsgame MonteLab and docuweb Guerra a la mentira. The main results show how the design of MonteLab opens a dialogue between a rich journalistic source system and some game dynamics that enable decision-making regarding today’s social problems. Likewise, Guerra a la mentira offers a set of real cases and uses fact-checking and fake news as the journalistic foundations on which to build a playful proposal for puzzle solving and narrative momentum. In conclusion, we could verify that the contemporary newsgame seeks to empower the player as an informed citizen who takes advantage of playful dynamics to provide social solutions based on journalistic information. At the same time, the docuweb goes beyond hypertextual staticism and the mere journalistic description of reality to get into more complex dynamics and more immersive playful designs.
Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar como o jornalismo digital e a cultura do videogame moderno cooperam em duas formas de simulação lúdica e imersão jornalística: os docuwebs e os newsgames. Para isso, foi estabelecida uma metodologia de análise qualitativa com uma dupla perspectiva: a do discurso informativo-jornalístico (isto é, os conteúdos e suas formas de projeção) e a de retórica procedural (ou seja, por meio das mecânicas de jogo), que é aplicada a dois casos de estudo de RTVE Lab: o newsgame MonteLab e o docuweb Guerra a la mentira. Os principais resultados mostram como o desenho de MonteLab estabelece um diálogo entre um rico sistema de fontes jornalísticas e mecânicas de jogo que possibilitam a tomada de decisões diante dos problemas sociais da atualidade. Numa linha semelhante, o docuweb Guerra a la mentira estabelece um conjunto de casos reais e usa a verificação da informação e das fake news como motor jornalístico sobre o qual construi uma proposta lúdica de resolução de quebra-cabeça e impulso narrativo. Por tudo isso e como conclusão, podemos comprovar que o newsgame contemporâneo busca empoderar o jogador como um cidadão informado que explora as dinâmicas lúdicas para dar soluções sociais baseadas em informações jornalísticas. Por sua vez, o docuweb supera o estaticismo hipertextual para entrar em dinâmicas mais complexas e desenhos lúdicos mais imersivos graças à superação da mera descrição jornalística da realidade.
spa
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Este obra está bajo una licencia de Creative Commons Reconocimiento-NoComercial-SinObraDerivada 4.0 Internacional.
Nuevas narrativas periodísticas entre la información y la simulación lúdica: los docuwebs y los newsgames
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/451932020-07-25T01:31:06Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Lönnqvist, Jan Erik M.
Ilmarinen, Ville Juhani
Sortheix, Florencia M.
2020-07-24T10:51:34Z
2020-07-24T10:51:34Z
2020
Lönnqvist JEM, Ilmarinen VJ, Sortheix FM. Polarization in the wake of the European refugee crisis: a longitudinal study of the Finnish political elite’s attitudes towards refugees and the environment. Journal of Social and Political Psychology. 2020;8(1):173-97. DOI: 10.5964/jspp.v8i1.1236
2195-3325
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/45193
http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v8i1.1236
We investigated political polarization among the 28284 candidates in the Finnish municipal election who ran for municipal council in 2012, 2017, or both, and had responded to a Voting Advice Application. Our results revealed political polarization in terms of both conversion (longitudinal analysis, n = 6643) and recruitment (cross-sectional comparison of first-time candidates, n = 13054). The populist radical-right Finns Party became even more anti-refugee, and the pro-refugee Green League became even more pro-refugee. The Finns Party, in particular, has constructed the Green League as their enemies, which could explain why the Finns Party moved in an anti-environmental direction, as well as the increased issue-alignment between refugee-attitudes and environmental attitudes. We also observed increased within-party homogeneity in almost all parties. In the discussion, we focus on the nature of the association between refugee and environmental attitudes.
eng
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Polarization in the wake of the European refugee crisis: a longitudinal study of the Finnish political elite’s attitudes towards refugees and the environment
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/452172021-06-25T11:53:38Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Schiller, Maria
Martínez-Ariño, Julia
Bolíbar, Mireia
2020-07-29T10:20:34Z
2020-07-29T10:20:34Z
2020
Schiller M, Martínez-Ariño J, Bolíbar M. A relational approach to local immigrant policy-making: collaboration with immigrant advocacy bodies in French and German cities. Ethnic and Racial Studies. 2020;43(11):2041-61. DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2020.1738524
0141-9870
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/45217
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2020.1738524
The role of immigrant advocacy bodies in collaborative policy–making in cities is so far insufficiently researched. This article investigates the ties between relevant urban actors and immigrant advocacy bodies in cities in two Western European countries. We draw on an original survey in forty French and German cities as well as fieldwork in one French and one German city to analyze whether urban actors from a variety of policy sectors and domains of society cooperate with immigrant councils and immigrant associations, and which factors explain such collaboration. Counter to the existing literature on the role of intermediaries between municipalities and immigrant populations, we find a widespread existence of ties with immigrant advocacy bodies. However, such ties are not mainstreamed. Instead, collaboration is most present among actors in charge of immigrant affairs, and when actors meet in policy fora that allow interaction between urban actors and immigrant advocacy bodies.
eng
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© 2020 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
A relational approach to local immigrant policy-making: collaboration with immigrant advocacy bodies in French and German cities
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/452212021-06-25T11:54:17Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Vladasel, Theodor
Lindquist, Matthew J.
Sol, Joeri
van Praag, C. Mirjam
2020-07-30T07:56:43Z
2020-07-30T07:56:43Z
2020
Vladasel T, Lindquist MJ, Sol J, van Praag M. On the origins of entrepreneurship: evidence from sibling correlations. J Bus Ventur. 2020 Mar 12:106017. DOI: 10.1016/j.jbusvent.2020.106017
0883-9026
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/45221
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jbusvent.2020.106017
Despite the consensus that entrepreneurship runs in the family, we lack evidence regarding the total importance of family and community background, as well as the relative importance of different background influences that affect entrepreneurship. We draw on human capital formation theories to argue that families and communities provide a salient context for the development of individual entrepreneurial skills and preferences, beyond the existing focus on parental entrepreneurship. We posit that early influences are more important than later influences and propose a hierarchy of family influences, whereby genes have the largest explanatory power, followed by parental entrepreneurship, neighborhoods, and parental resources, and finally by parental immigration, family structure, and sibling peers. Finally, we argue that the higher human and financial capital intensity of incorporated relative to unincorporated entrepreneurship predictably alters the hierarchy of family influences, as does gender. Sibling correlations estimated on Swedish register data confirm our hypotheses.
eng
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/BY/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© 2020 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Inc. This is an open access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/BY/4.0/).
On the origins of entrepreneurship: evidence from sibling correlations
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/452222020-07-31T01:30:48Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Purohit, Hemant
Castillo, Carlos
Pandey, Rahul
2020-07-30T07:56:46Z
2020-07-30T07:56:46Z
2020
Purohit H, Castillo C, Pandey R. Ranking and grouping social media requests for emergency services using serviceability model. Soc Netw Anal Min. 2020;10:22. DOI: 10.1007/s13278-020-0633-3
1869-5450
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/45222
http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13278-020-0633-3
Social media has become an alternative communication mechanism for the public to reach out to emergency services during time-sensitive events. However, the information overload of social media experienced by these services, coupled with their limited human resources, challenges them to timely identify, prioritize, and organize critical requests for help. In this paper, we frst present a formal model of serviceability called Social-EOC, which describes the elements of a serviceable message posted in social media expressing a request. Using the serviceability model, we then describe a system for the discovery and ranking of highly serviceable requests as well as for re-ranking requests by semantic grouping to reduce redundancy and facilitate the browsing of requests by responders. We validate the model for emergency services by experimenting with six crisis event datasets and ground truth provided by emergency professionals. Our experiments demonstrate that features based on both serviceability model and social connectedness improve the performance of discovering and ranking (nDCG gain up to 25%) service requests over diferent baselines. We also empirically validate the existence of redundancy and semantic coherence among the serviceable requests using our semantic grouping approach, which shows the signifcance and need for grouping similar requests to save the time of emergency services. Thus, an application of serviceability model could reduce cognitive load on emergency servicers in fltering, ranking, and organizing public requests on social media at scale.
eng
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© The Author(s) 2020. This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article’s Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article’s Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. To view a copy of this licence, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/.
Ranking and grouping social media requests for emergency services using serviceability model
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/452232021-06-25T11:54:59Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Bosch, Oriol J.
Revilla, Melanie
2020-07-30T07:56:49Z
2020-07-30T07:56:49Z
2020
Bosch OJ, Revilla M. Using emojis in mobile web surveys for Millennials? A study in Spain and Mexico. Qual Quant. 2020 May 20. DOI: 10.1007/s11135-020-00994-8
0033-5177
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/45223
http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11135-020-00994-8
To involve Millennials in survey participation, and obtain high-quality answers from them, survey designers may require new tools that better catch Millennials’ interest and attention. One key new tool that could improve the communication and make the survey participation more attractive to young respondents are the emojis. We used data from a survey conducted among Millennials by the online feldwork company Netquest in Spain and Mexico (n=1614) to determine how emojis can be used in mobile web surveys, in particular in open-ended questions, and how their use can afect data quality, completion time, and survey evaluation. Overall, results show a high willingness of Millennials to use emojis in surveys (both stated and actual use) and a positive impact of encouraging Millennials to use emojis in open-ended questions on the amount of information conveyed, the completion time and the survey enjoyment.
eng
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© The Author(s) 2020. This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article’s Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article’s Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. To view a copy of this licence, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/.
Using emojis in mobile web surveys for Millennials? A study in Spain and Mexico
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/457712021-06-25T11:55:28Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Garriga Alsina, Anna
Pennoni, Fulvia
2020-11-16T09:22:19Z
2020-11-16T09:22:19Z
2020
Garriga A, Pennoni F. The causal effects of parental divorce and parental temporary separation on children’s cognitive abilities and psychological well-being according to parental relationship quality. Soc Indic Res. 2020 Jul 27. DOI: 10.1007/s11205-020-02428-2
0303-8300
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/45771
http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11205-020-02428-2
We explore the effects of parental divorce and parental temporary separation on well-being of children at a specific stage of their development according to the parental relationship quality. Despite the importance of this subject, among previous studies only few consider very young children and are based on statistical methods properly tailored to enhance causal evaluations. We attempt to establish the effects on both cognitive abilities and psychological dimensions of children at age five by using data drawn from the first three waves of the UK Millennium Cohort Study. Using an appropriate imputation method, we apply the augmented inverse propensity treatment weighted estimator to infer causality. Overcoming some of the limitations of previous research, we find that the dissolution of high-quality parental unions has the most harmful effects on children, especially concerning conduct problems. We demonstrate the substantial variation on consequences of parental divorce depending on the level of parental relationship quality. We show that parental temporary separation is a type of family disruption that has significant negative effects on young children. In fact, we infer that they have more conduct and hyperactivity problems than children from stable or divorced families. Our results also suggest children to be targeted with appropriate policies aimed to reduce the adverse effect of family disruption.
eng
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article's Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article's Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. To view a copy of this licence, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/.
The causal effects of parental divorce and parental temporary separation on children’s cognitive abilities and psychological well-being according to parental relationship quality
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/457722020-11-17T02:31:04Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Martínez Amat, Marc
2020-11-16T09:22:22Z
2020-11-16T09:22:22Z
2020
Martínez Amat M. One country, two media systems: the evolution of the media audience in Catalonia in the context of the independence debate. Comunicació: revista de recerca i d’anàlisi. 2020 May;37(1):53-73. DOI: 10.2436/20.3008.01.190
2014-0304
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/45772
http://dx.doi.org/10.2436/20.3008.01.190
Following the theories of media system dependency (MSD), this paper analyses the media audiences in Catalonia and their evolution in the context of the independence debate. Serial data from the 1980s to 2014 on mainstream media audiences in Catalonia (TV, radio and press) show how the newspaper market is historically dominated by outlets from Barcelona, while the TV market is mostly controlled by Spanish TV channels. There has also been a switch in the radio market in the last decade, when the Catalan radio stations have become hegemonic. Significant differences in the average audience growth of audiovisual media have been detected the last term of every year since 2012 (as long as demonstrations and votes have mobilized the population), differences which have been especially notable for the Catalan outlets.
Seguint les teories de la dependència del sistema de mitjans (en anglès, MSD), aquest article analitza les audiències dels mitjans a Catalunya i la seva evolució en el context del debat sobre la independència. Les dades en sèrie de les audiències dels mitjans tradicionals a Catalunya (televisió, ràdio i premsa), dels anys vuitanta del segle passat fins al 2014, mostren que el mercat de diaris està dominat històricament pels mitjans de Barcelona, mentre que el sector de la televisió està controlat, majoritàriament, per canals de televisió espanyols; també, que hi ha hagut un canvi en el mercat de la ràdio en l’última dècada, en què les emissores de ràdio catalanes s’han convertit en hegemòniques. S’han detectat diferències significatives en el creixement mitjà de l’audiència dels mitjans audiovisuals en el darrer període de cada any, des del 2012 (coincidint amb el període de manifestacions i votacions que han mobilitzat la població), especialment rellevant per als mitjans catalans.
eng
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Aquesta obra és subjecta —llevat que s'indiqui el contrari en el text, en les fotografies o en altres il·lustracions— a una llicència Reconeixement - No comercial - Sense obres derivades 3.0 Espanya de Creative Commons, el text complet de la qual es pot consultar a http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/es/deed.ca
One country, two media systems: the evolution of the media audience in Catalonia in the context of the independence debate
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/458962021-01-21T12:45:47Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Guinjoan Cesena, Marc
2020-11-26T09:19:57Z
2020-11-26T09:19:57Z
2009
Guinjoan M. Cleavages y sistemas electorales: una nueva aproximación. Revista de estudios políticos. 2009;(144):87-121.
0048-7694
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/45896
Amorim Neto y Cox sentaron las bases de los determinantes del número efectivo de partidos electorales. Sin embargo, a partir de una nueva base de datos más fiable y con el doble de países demostraré que a pesar de que los datos que emplearon los autores eran robustos, incurrieron en un sesgo de selección en los países estudiados. Esto me lleva a matizar sus resultados, tanto por lo que se refiere a las variables independientes —y entre ellas, la principal aportación de su investigación: la interacción entre cleavage y la magnitud de distrito— como a la capacidad de los modelos para explicar la variabilidad de la variable dependiente. Por otra parte, también evaluaré el efecto de las arenas de competición multinivel sobre el número efectivo de partidos electorales y mostraré cómo el grado de descentralización de los estados se erige como un factor explicativo potente, abriendo la puerta al estudio de un ámbito de la Ciencia Política desatendido hasta el momento en términos empíricos.
Amorim Neto and Cox established the determinants of the effective number of electoral political parties. However, through a new more reliable database containing twice the number of countries, the author demonstrates that, even though the data that the authors used was robust, they incurred in a selection bias regarding the countries studied. This led to a new approach to the results regarding both the independent variables (including their main contribution: the interaction between cleavage and magnitude of district) and the model’s ability to explain variability in the dependent variable. The article assesses the effect of multilevel competition arenas upon the effective number of electoral parties, and demonstrates that the level of decentralization of the States is a powerful explicative factor. This opens the doors to a study of a field in Political Sciences that has been abandoned until the moment, at least empirically.
spa
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales. Guinjoan M. Cleavages y sistemas electorales: una nueva aproximación. Revista de estudios políticos. 2009;(144):87-121. http://www.cepc.gob.es/publicaciones/revistas/revistaselectronicas?IDR=3&IDN=674&IDA=27439
Cleavages y sistemas electorales: una nueva aproximación
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/460062021-04-14T07:55:11Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Revilla, Melanie
Saris, Willem E.
2020-12-14T08:21:13Z
2020-12-14T08:21:13Z
2013
Revilla M, Saris WE. The split-ballot multitrait-multimethod approach: implementation and problems. Struct Equ Modeling. 2013 Jan 19;20(1):27-46. DOI: 10.1080/10705511.2013.742379
1070-5511
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46006
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10705511.2013.742379
Saris, Satorra, and Coenders (2004) proposed a new approach to estimate the quality of survey questions, combining the advantages of 2 existing approaches: the multitrait–multimethod (MTMM) and the split-ballot (SB) ones. Implemented in practice, this new approach led to frequent problems of nonconvergence and improper solutions. This article uses Monte Carlo simulations to understand why the SB-MTMM is working well in some cases but not in others. The number of SB groups is a crucial element: The 3-group design is performing better. However, the 2-group design can also perform well: The analyses suggest that the interaction between the absolute values of the correlations between the traits and the relative values of the different correlations between traits plays an important role.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis iStructural Equation Modeling: A Multidisciplinary Journal
on 2013 Jan 19, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/10705511.2013.742379
The split-ballot multitrait-multimethod approach: implementation and problems
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/460072021-07-06T11:53:37Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Weber, Wiebke
Saris, Willem E.
2020-12-14T08:21:19Z
2020-12-14T08:21:19Z
2011
Weber W, Saris WE. The relationship between issues and an individual’s left–right orientation. Acta Polit. 2014 Apr 4;50:193-213. DOI: 10.1057/ap.2014.5
0001-6810
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46007
http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2014.5
The major body of the literature about left–right orientation finds that values and attitudes determine an individual’s position in the left–right dimension. Regarding values, it is assumed that these are stable over (a long period of) time, and hence affect individuals’ left–right orientation. Attitudes are usually measured as issue preferences, which can change over time, cross-nationally and also in their importance for people. Therefore, the relationship between issues and left–right orientation is less clear, and requires more research. We argue and show with data from the European Social Survey Implementing a Panel Component project (2012), conducted in the Netherlands, that the relationship between issue preferences and left–right orientation is conditioned by the importance that people give to the respective issues. Issues that are important for people affect their left–right orientation, while they can use their left–right orientation to form an opinion about an issue which they do not consider important.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© Springer The final publication is available at Springer via
http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2014.5
The relationship between issues and an individual’s left–right orientation
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/460632021-04-14T07:54:13Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
McCrae, Robert R.
Chan, Wayne
Jussim, Lee
De Fruyt, Filip
Löckenhoff, Corinna E.
De Bolle, Marleen
Costa Jr., Paul T.
Hřebíčková, Martina
Graf, Sylvie
Realo, Anu
Allik, Jüri
Nakazato, Katsuharu
Shimonaka, Yoshiko
Yik, Michelle
Ficková, Emília
Brunner-Sciarra, Marina
Reátigui, Norma
Leibovich de Figueora, Nora
Schmidt, Vanina
Ahn, Chang-kyu
Ahn, Hyun-nie
Aguilar-Vafaie, Maria E.
Siuta, Jerzy
Szmigielska, Barbara
Cain, Thomas R.
Crawford, Jarret T.
Anwar Mastor, Khairul
Anwar Mastor, Khairul
Rolland, Jean-Pierre
Nansubuga, Florence
Miramontez, Daniel R.
Benet-Martínez, Verónica
Rossier, Jérôme
Bratko, Denis
Marušić, Iris
Halberstadt, Jamin
Yamaguchi, Mami
Knežević, Goran
Purić, Danka
Martin, Thomas A.
Gheorghiu, Mirona
Smith, Peter B.
Barbaranelli, Claudio
Wang, Lei
Shakespeare-Finch, Jane
Lima, Margarida P.
Klinkosz, Waldemar
Sekowski, Andrzej
Alcalay, Lidia
Simonetti, Franco
Avdeyeva, Tatyana V.
Pramila, V.S.
Terraccian, Antonio
2020-12-16T08:52:18Z
2020-12-16T08:52:18Z
2013
McCrae RR, Chan W, Jussim L, De Fruyt F, et al. The inaccuracy of national character stereotypes. J Res Pers. 2013 Dec;47(6):831–42. DOI: 10.1016/j.jrp.2013.08.006
0092-6566
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46063
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jrp.2013.08.006
Consensual stereotypes of some groups are relatively accurate, whereas others are not. Previous work suggesting that national character stereotypes are inaccurate has been criticized on several grounds. In this article we (a) provide arguments for the validity of assessed national mean trait levels as criteria for evaluating stereotype accuracy and (b) report new data on national character in 26 cultures from descriptions (N = 3323) of the typical male or female adolescent, adult, or old person in each. The average ratings were internally consistent and converged with independent stereotypes of the typical culture member, but were weakly related to objective assessments of personality. We argue that this conclusion is consistent with the broader literature on the inaccuracy of national character stereotypes.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© Elsevier http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jrp.2013.08.006
The inaccuracy of national character stereotypes
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/460652020-12-17T02:30:52Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Xiaohua Chen, Sylvia
Benet-Martínez, Verónica
Ng, Jacky C. K.
2020-12-16T11:18:30Z
2020-12-16T11:18:30Z
2013
Xiaohua Chen S, Benet-Martínez V, Ng JCK. Does language affect personality perception?: a functional approach to testing the Whorfian hypothesis. J Pers. 2013 Apr 23;82(2):130–43. DOI: 10.1111/jopy.12040
0022-3506
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46065
http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jopy.12040
Whether language shapes cognition has long been a controversial issue. The present research adopts a functional approach to examining the effects of language use on personality perception and dialectical thinking. We propose that language use activates corresponding cultural mindsets, which in turn influence social perception, thinking, and behavior. Four studies recruited Chinese‐English bilinguals (N = 129 in Study 1, 229 in Study 2, 68 in Study 3, 106 in Study 4) and used within‐subjects and between‐subjects design, written and behavioral reports, and self‐ and other perceptions. The four studies converged to show that Chinese‐English bilinguals exhibit higher dialectical thinking and more variations in self‐ and observer ratings of personality when using the Chinese language than when using English. Furthermore, dialectical thinking predicted more self‐ and other‐perceived variations in personality and behavior across bilingual contexts. These results highlight the important role of culture in understanding the relations between language and cognition, and attest to the malleability of personality perception and dialectical thinking within and across individuals in response to culture‐related linguistic cues.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
This is the peer reviewed version of the following article: Xiaohua Chen S, Benet-Martínez V, Ng JCK. Does language affect personality perception?: a functional approach to testing the Whorfian hypothesis. Journal of Personality. 2013 Apr 23;82(2):130–43, which has been published in final form at http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jopy.12040. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Conditions for Use of Self-Archived Versions.
Does language affect personality perception?: a functional approach to testing the Whorfian hypothesis
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/461012020-12-22T02:31:55Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Zapata Barrero, Ricard
2020-12-21T08:54:59Z
2020-12-21T08:54:59Z
2015
Zapata-Barrero R. Exploring the foundations of the intercultural policy paradigm: a comprehensive approach. Identities. 2015 Feb 3;23(2):155-73. DOI: 10.1080/1070289X.2015.1006523
1070-289X
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46101
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289X.2015.1006523
In this second decade of the twenty-first century, interculturalism is emerging as a new policy paradigm to deal with diversity dynamics. It is basically viewed as a set of policies sharing one basic idea: that the interaction among people from different backgrounds matters. Its concerns are to intervene politically and to propose a way to manage the dynamics of diversity, based on exchange and interpersonal relations. I propose exploring a foundational internal debate, based on the premise there are at least three different, but complementary, normative strands: contractual, cohesion and constructivist strands. My ultimate purpose is to defend a comprehensive view, grounded on the argument that no one can have the sole authority to define intercultural policy, since the three strands can be applied at different moments, according to different purposes. The challenge is for policy managers to be able to achieve a balance between the three policy drivers.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Identities: global studies in culture and power on 2015 Feb 3, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/1070289X.2015.1006523
Exploring the foundations of the intercultural policy paradigm: a comprehensive approach
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/462052021-01-19T02:30:54Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Saris, Willem E.
Satorra, Albert
van der Veld, William M.
2021-01-18T08:55:21Z
2021-01-18T08:55:21Z
2009
Saris WE, Satorra A, Van Der Veld WM. Testing structural equation models or detection of misspecifications? Struct Equ Modeling. 2009 Oct 12;16(4):561-82. DOI: 10.1080/10705510903203433
1070-5511
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46205
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10705510903203433
Assessing the correctness of a structural equation model is essential to avoid drawing incorrect conclusions from empirical research. In the past, the chi-square test was recommended for assessing the correctness of the model but this test has been criticized because of its sensitivity to sample size. As a reaction, an abundance of fit indexes have been developed. The result of these developments is that structural equation modeling packages are now producing a large list of fit measures. One would think that this progression has led to a clear understanding of evaluating models with respect to model misspecifications. In this article we question the validity of approaches for model evaluation based on overall goodness-of-fit indexes. The argument against such usage is that they do not provide an adequate indication of the “size” of the model's misspecification. That is, they vary dramatically with the values of incidental parameters that are unrelated with the misspecification in the model. This is illustrated using simple but fundamental models. As an alternative method of model evaluation, we suggest using the expected parameter change in combination with the modification index (MI) and the power of the MI test.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Struct Equ Modeling on 2009 Oct 12, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/10705510903203433
Testing structural equation models or detection of misspecifications?
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/465152022-10-03T11:17:59Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Zapata Barrero, Ricard
2021-02-18T08:59:25Z
2021-02-18T08:59:25Z
2018
Zapata-Barrero R. Rejoinder: multiculturalism and interculturalism: alongside but separate. Comparative Migration Studies. 2018;6(20):1-12. DOI: 10.1186/s40878-018-0090-6
2214-8590
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46515
http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40878-018-0090-6
This rejoinder reacts to the comments I have received of my defence of interculturalism (key-article of this Special Issue). Basically it defends the need to take seriously the distinctiveness between MC and IC, as friends rather than foes. It is also argued that the emergence of IC must be placed in the context of legitimacy crisis of MC and the process of policy paradigm change and formation. Then, it is briefly stated that IC tries to fill the epistemological limits of MC and must be considered as a mainstreaming policy within the “local turn” in migration and diversity studies. Moreover, it is contended that IC is a new public mindset and announces a new public culture in a society of multipleidentities. Finally that IC makes diversity workwith a view of diversity as an advantage (which means that it is policy resource for cultivating community cohesion, creativity, economic development, solidarity promotion, xenophobia reduction). Finally, I reckon that IC probably requires a multidimensional theory of contact and a more deep normative reflection in terms of public benefits.
eng
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© The Author(s). 2018 Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made.
Rejoinder: multiculturalism and interculturalism: alongside but separate
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/465162022-10-03T11:17:20Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Zapata Barrero, Ricard
2021-02-18T08:59:29Z
2021-02-18T08:59:29Z
2017
Zapata-Barrero R. Interculturalism in the post-multicultural debate: a defence. Comparative Migration Studies. 2017;5(14):1-23. DOI: 10.1186/s40878-017-0057-z
2214-8590
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46516
http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40878-017-0057-z
The main purpose of this article is to formulate a defence of the emerging intercultural policy paradigm for the benefit of those who are still somewhat reluctant to accept its proper place within the current migration-related diversity policy debate. My defence will take two main lines of argumentation: Firstly, I will state that the increasing intensity of the intercultural policy paradigm must be placed in the present-day post-multicultural period, which recognizes the strengths of the multicultural policy paradigm but also the limits to its process for recognizing differences. The role played by the emerging national civic policy paradigm (a renovated version of assimilation), prioritizing duties before rights, will also be considered crucial to better contextualize interculturalism. Secondly, I will try to identify the main distinctive features of interculturalism, which legitimize its proper place within the diversity debate today. Without rejecting rightsbased and duties-based policy approaches, interculturalism places more emphasis on a contacts-based policy approach, aimed at fostering communication and relationships among people from different backgrounds, including national citizens. This approach focuses on common bonds rather than differences. It also views diversity as an advantage and a resource, and centres its policy goals on community cohesion and reframing a common public culture that places diversity within rather than outside the so-called Unity. In reviewing the current literature and the origins of the intercultural policy paradigm, I restate its contribution towards resolving current trends in transnationalism, changing identities, superdiversity and the rise of populist anti-immigrant parties. These are issues the old multicultural project has struggled to deal with, which has provoked the current disillusionment. Lastly, I will propose a research avenue to further consolidate interculturalism as a distinctive and legitimate policy approach.
eng
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© The Author(s). 2017 Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made.
Interculturalism in the post-multicultural debate: a defence
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/465722021-02-24T02:30:51Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Vliegenthart, Rens
Walgrave, Stefaan
Baumgartner, Frank R.
Bevan, Shaun
Breunig, Christian
Breunig, Christian
Brouard, Sylvain
Chaqués Bonafont, Laura
Grossman, Emiliano
Jennings, Will
Mortensen, Peter B.
Palau, Anna M.
Sciarini, Pascal
Tresch, Anke
2021-02-23T08:43:00Z
2021-02-23T08:43:00Z
2016
Vliegenthart R, Walgrave S, Baumgartner FR, Bevan S, Breunig C, Brouard S, Chaqués L, Grossman E, Jennings W, Mortensen PB, Palau AM, Sciarini P, Tresch A. Do the media set the parliamentary agenda? A comparative study in seven countries. European Journal of Political Research. 2016 May;55(2):283-301. DOI: 10.1111/1475-6765.12134
0304-4130
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46572
http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12134
A growing body of work has examined the relationship between media and politics from an agenda‐setting perspective: Is attention for issues initiated by political elites with the media following suit, or is the reverse relation stronger? A long series of single‐country studies has suggested a number of general agenda‐setting patterns but these have never been confirmed in a comparative approach. In a comparative, longitudinal design including comparable media and politics evidence for seven European countries (Belgium, Denmark, France, Netherlands, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom), this study highlights a number of generic patterns. Additionally, it shows how the political system matters. Overall, the media are a stronger inspirer of political action in countries with single‐party governments compared to those with multiple‐party governments for opposition parties. But, government parties are more reactive to media under multiparty governments.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
This is the peer reviewed version of the following article: "Vliegenthart R, Walgrave S, Baumgartner FR, Bevan S, Breunig C, Brouard S, Chaqués L, Grossman E, Jennings W, Mortensen PB, Palau AM, Sciarini P, Tresch A. Do the media set the parliamentary agenda? A comparative study in seven countries. European Journal of Political Research. 2016 May;55(2):283-301", which has been published in final form at http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12134. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Conditions for Use of Self-Archived Versions.
Do the media set the parliamentary agenda? A comparative study in seven countries
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/466882021-03-09T02:30:46Zcom_10230_5542com_10230_16076col_10230_8581col_10230_16208
Østergaard-Nielsen, Eva
Ciornei, Irina
Lafleur, Jean-Michel
2021-03-08T10:01:01Z
2021-03-08T10:01:01Z
2019
Ostergaard-Nielsen E, Ciornei I, Lafleur JM. Why do parties support emigrant voting rights?. European Political Science Review. 2019 Aug;11(3):377-94. DOI: 10.1017/S1755773919000171
1755-7739
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46688
http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1755773919000171
Policies allowing enfranchisement of non-resident citizens (emigrants and their descendants) are now implemented in the majority of states worldwide. A growing number of case studies show that the extension of voting rights to non-resident citizens is often contested among country of origin political parties. However, there is no systematic comparative study of why different political parties support or oppose external voting rights and how this position is framed by the parties. Drawing on a unique data set based on 34 debates across 13 countries, we estimate the extent to which ideology and party family are correlated with the positioning and framing of parties. Among the findings are that the more to the right is a party, the more it tends to support external voting rights, except in the case of radical right parties. The position on emigrant voting rights is largely framed along more pragmatic arguments.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© Cambridge University Press. The published version of the article: Ostergaard-Nielsen E, Ciornei I, Lafleur JM. Why do parties support emigrant voting rights?. European Political Science Review. 2019 Aug;11(3):377-94. DOI: 10.1017/S1755773919000171 is available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/european-political-science-review
Why do parties support emigrant voting rights?
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/467682021-03-16T02:31:20Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Aerts, Céline
Revilla, Melanie
Duval, Laetitia
Paaijmans, Krijn
Chandrabose, Javin
Cox, Horace
Sicuri, Elisa
2021-03-15T08:14:44Z
2021-03-15T08:14:44Z
2020
Aerts C, Revilla M, Duval L, Paaijmans K, Chandrabose J, Cox H, Sicuri E. Understanding the role of disease knowledge and risk perception in shaping preventive behavior for selected vector-borne diseases in Guyana. PLoS Negl Trop Dis. 2020 Apr 6;14(4):e0008149. DOI: 10.1371/journal.pntd.0008149
1935-2727
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46768
http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pntd.0008149
Background: Individual behavior, particularly choices about prevention, plays a key role in infection transmission of vector-borne diseases (VBDs). Since the actual risk of infection is often uncertain, individual behavior is influenced by the perceived risk. A low risk perception is likely to diminish the use of preventive measures (behavior). If risk perception is a good indicator of the actual risk, then it has important implications in a context of disease elimination. However, more research is needed to improve our understanding of the role of human behavior in disease transmission. The objective of this study is to explore whether preventive behavior is responsive to risk perception, taking into account the links with disease knowledge and controlling for individuals’ socioeconomic and demographic characteristics. More specifically, the study focuses on malaria, dengue fever, Zika and cutaneous leishmaniasis (CL), using primary data collected in Guyana–a key country for the control and/or elimination of VBDs, given its geographic location.
Methods and findings: The data were collected between August and December 2017 in four regions of the country. Questions on disease knowledge, risk perception and self-reported use of preventive measures were asked to each participant for the four diseases. A structural equation model was estimated. It focused on data collected from private households only in order to control for individuals’ socioeconomic and demographic characteristics, which led to a sample size of 497 participants. The findings showed evidence of a bidirectional association between risk perception and behavior. A one-unit increase in risk perception translated into a 0.53 unit increase in self-reported preventive behavior for all diseases, while a one-unit increase in self-reported preventive behavior (i.e. the use of an additional measure) led to a 0.46 unit decrease in risk perception for all diseases (except CL). This study also showed that higher education significantly improves knowledge and that better knowledge increases the take up of preventive measures for malaria and dengue, without affecting risk perception.
Conclusions: In trying to reach elimination, it appears crucial to promote awareness of the risks and facilitate access to preventive measures, so that lower risk perception does not translate into lower preventive behavior.
eng
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© 2020 Aerts et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
Understanding the role of disease knowledge and risk perception in shaping preventive behavior for selected vector-borne diseases in Guyana
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/467862021-03-17T02:30:48Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Cash-Gibson, Lucinda, 1984-
Harris, Matthew
Guerra, Germán
Benach, Joan
2021-03-16T08:20:14Z
2021-03-16T08:20:14Z
2020
Cash-Gibson L, Harris M, Guerra G, Benach J. A novel conceptual model and heuristic tool to strengthen understanding and capacities for health inequalities research. Health Res Policy Syst. 2020 May 4;18(1):42. DOI: 10.1186/s12961-020-00559-z
1478-4505
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46786
http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s12961-020-00559-z
Background: Despite increasing evidence on health inequalities over the past decades, further efforts to strengthen capacities to produce research on this topic are still urgently needed to inform effective interventions aiming to address these inequalities. To strengthen these research capacities, an initial comprehensive understanding of the health inequalities research production process is vital. However, most existing research and models are focused on understanding the relationship between health inequalities research and policy, with less focus on the health inequalities research production process itself. Existing conceptual frameworks provide valuable, yet limited, advancements on this topic; for example, they lack the capacity to comprehensively explain the health (and more specifically the health inequalities) research production process at the local level, including the potential pathways, components and determinants as well as the dynamics that might be involved. This therefore reduces their ability to be empirically tested and to provide practical guidance on how to strengthen the health inequalities research process and research capacities in different settings. Several scholars have also highlighted the need for further understanding and guidance in this area to inform effective action.
Methods: Through a critical review, we developed a novel conceptual model that integrates the social determinants of health and political economy perspectives to provide a comprehensive understanding of how health inequalities research and the related research capacities are likely to be produced (or inhibited) at local level.
Results: Our model represents a global hypothesis on the fundamental processes involved, and can serve as a heuristic tool to guide local level assessments of the determinants, dynamics and relations that might be relevant to better understand the health inequalities research production process and the related research capacities.
Conclusions: This type of knowledge can assist researchers and decision-makers to identify any information gaps or barriers to be addressed, and establish new entry points to effectively strengthen these research capacities. This can lead to the production of a stronger evidence base, both locally and globally, which can be used to inform strategic efforts aimed at achieving health equity.
eng
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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© The Author(s). 2020 Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article's Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article's Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. To view a copy of this licence, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
A novel conceptual model and heuristic tool to strengthen understanding and capacities for health inequalities research
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/467872021-11-16T08:34:43Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Navarro, Vicente
2021-03-16T08:20:18Z
2021-03-16T08:20:18Z
2020
Navarro V. The consequences of neoliberalism in the current pandemic. Int J Health Serv. 2020 Jul;50(3):271-5. DOI: 10.1177/0020731420925449
0020-7314
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46787
http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020731420925449
This article analyzes how the neoliberal policies, such as the politics of austerity (with considerable cuts to social policy expenditures including medical care and public health services) and the privatization of health services, imposed by many governments on both sides of the North Atlantic, considerably weakened the capacity of the response to the coronavirus pandemic in Italy, Spain, and the United States.
eng
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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Creative Commons CC BY: This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) which permits any use, reproduction and distribution of the work without further permission provided the original work is attributed as specified on the SAGE and Open Access pages (https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/open-access-at-sage).
The consequences of neoliberalism in the current pandemic
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/467882021-03-17T02:30:59Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Alzate-Ángel, Juan
Arroyave, Angela
Gómez, Andrea
Pericàs, Juan
Benach, Joan
2021-03-16T08:20:24Z
2021-03-16T08:20:24Z
2020
Alzate-Ángel J, Arroyave A, Gómez A, Pericàs J, Benach J. What have we researched about HIV infection in Colombia? A bibliometric review 1983 - 2018. Infectio. 2020; 24(1): 35-41. DOI: 10.22354/in.v24i1.825
0123-9392
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46788
http://dx.doi.org/10.22354/in.v24i1.825
Objective: Our objective was to quantitatively describe the research on HIV infection carried out in Colombia.
Materials and methods: A bibliometric review of all studies that included people infected or affected by HIV between January 1, 1983, and August 31, 2018, was performed.
Results: 587 studies were identified. Most were descriptive studies. There are a lower number of studies in the fields of prevention, education and public health. Most of the published studies were carried out in 3 departments. 72% were published in Q3, Q4 or unclassified journals.
Discussion: The research performed has given priority to the description of figures and is not enough to understand and know how to treat factors like late diagnosis, the stigma and the prevention of the disease.
Conclusion: There does not seem to be a national strategy to define the research needs. There is a low dissemination of the results and a low cover of the research in the country.
eng
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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Infectio es una revista de acceso abierto: http://www.revistainfectio.org/site/portals/0/ojs/index.php/ infectio/index y adopta la distribución de sus artículos bajo una licencia de Creative Commons Reconocimiento-No Comercial-Sin Obra Derivada 4.0 Internacional: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
What have we researched about HIV infection in Colombia? A bibliometric review 1983 - 2018
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/468042021-03-18T02:31:16Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Solé Auró, Aïda
Martín, Unai
Domínguez Rodríguez, Antía
2021-03-17T08:03:23Z
2021-03-17T08:03:23Z
2020
Solé-Auró A, Martín U, Domínguez Rodríguez A. Educational inequalities in life and healthy life expectancies among the 50-Plus in Spain. Int J Environ Res Public Health. 2020 May 19;17(10):3558. DOI: 10.3390/ijerph17103558
1660-4601
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46804
http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17103558
This study computes educational inequalities in life expectancy (LE), healthy life expectancy (HLE), and unhealthy life expectancy (ULE) by gender and education level in Spain in 2012. Death registrations and vital status by level of education were obtained from Spain’s National Institute of Statistics. Health prevalences were estimated from the National Health Survey for Spain. We used Sullivan’s method to compute HLE, ULE, and the proportion of time lived with health problems. Our results reveal that Spanish women live longer than men in all education groups, but a higher proportion of women report poor health. We detect substantial differences in unhealthy life by gender and education, with higher effect for women and for those with low levels of education. Poor self-perceived health shows the largest educational gradient; chronic diseases present the lowest. This is the first work that provides evidence on health inequalities by education level in Spain. Our findings seem to be in line with reports of the smaller social inequalities experienced in Southern Europe and highlight the importance of education level on extending the proportion of years spent in good health in a Mediterranean country.
eng
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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© 2020 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
Educational inequalities in life and healthy life expectancies among the 50-Plus in Spain
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/468052021-03-18T02:31:23Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Bolíbar, Mireia
2021-03-17T08:03:27Z
2021-03-17T08:03:27Z
2020
Bolíbar M. Social capital, human capital and ethnic occupational niches: an analysis of ethnic and gender inequalities in the Spanish labour market. Palgrave Communications. 2020; 6(22). DOI:10.1057/s41599-020-0397-4
2055-1045
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46805
http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41599-020-0397-4
This article analyses the role of different types of social capital in the integration of immigrants into the labour market of Catalonia (Spain), according to the geographical distribution and ethnic characteristics of immigrants’ contacts. It aims to test the role of social networks, human capital and the ethno-stratification of the labour market in immigrants’ labour market performance; and to contribute to understanding the often overlooked but complex interactions between these factors and gender inequalities. Results show that transnational ties constitute a weak resource in obtaining job benefits, that labour-intensive ethnic occupational niches confine immigrants to low-skilled positions to a great extent and that, even controlling for human capital and industrial sectors, having supportive links with native-born Spaniards has a positive effect on migrants’ occupational status. Finally, gendered differences are also evident in respect of returns on social capital, indicating that the sexually segregated occupational structure of the Spanish labour market makes social capital a weaker resource for women immigrants.
eng
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article’s Creative Commons license, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article’s Creative Commons license and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/.
© The Author(s) 2020
Social capital, human capital and ethnic occupational niches: an analysis of ethnic and gender inequalities in the Spanish labour market
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/468062021-03-18T02:31:26Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Alcañiz, Manuela
Riera-Prunera, Carme
Solé Auró, Aïda
2021-03-17T08:03:30Z
2021-03-17T08:03:30Z
2020
Alcañiz M, Riera-Prunera MC, Solé-Auró A. “When I retire, I’ll move out of the city”: mental well-being of the elderly in rural vs. urban settings. Int J Environ Res Public Health. 2020 Apr 3; 17(7): 2442. DOI: 10.3390/ijerph17072442
1660-4601
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46806
http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17072442
This study examines the influence of risk factors on mental well-being at older ages focusing on the level of rurality of the living environment. We used cross-sectional, nationally representative survey data for Catalonia (Spain) from 2015 to 2017 to explain the mental well-being of the population aged 65 years and over. Based on a sample of 2621 individuals, we created a score of current mental well-being using the Short Warwick-Edinburgh Mental Well-being Scale (SWEMWBS). Using logistic regression and non-parametric tests, we identified the sociodemographic, health and lifestyle variables which, in combination with the features of the rural and urban settings of the living space, were associated with poor SWEMWBS scores. Our results reveal that adequate social support is linked to expectations of good mental well-being in later life. Poor self-perceived health and ageing limitations are associated with less deterioration of the well-being for the elderly living in rural areas, whereas living in urban areas is linked to a higher risk of suffering from emotional distress attributable to economic difficulties or low educational attainment. Incentivizing older people to live in rural environments could result in greater well-being in the last stages of life; appropriate prospective studies are needed to test this positive outcome.
eng
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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© 2020 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
“When I retire, I’ll move out of the city”: mental well-being of the elderly in rural vs. urban settings
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/468432022-05-20T07:25:13Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Rodon i Casarramona, Antoni
Guinjoan Cesena, Marc
2021-03-18T10:31:13Z
2021-03-18T10:31:13Z
2021
Rodon A, Guinjoan M. Beaten ballots: political participation dynamics amidst police interventions. Political Science Research and Methods. 2021 Jan 07;10(1):153-70. DOI: 10.1017/psrm.2020.48
2049-8470
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46843
http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2020.48
What is the effect of violence on political mobilization? Taking the repression-mobilization nexus debate as a starting point, we study the effects of police interventions on political participation, focusing on the Spanish police crackdown on Catalonia's independence referendum on 1 October 2017. We analyze the effect of police actions on turnout using detailed aggregate data, as well as a survey conducted a few days after the referendum. The two empirical approaches show that police interventions had both deterrent and inverse spatial spillover effects. Although police raids had a local negative impact on turnout, they induced positive spillover effects in the surrounding areas. Our findings also indicate heterogeneity in the spatial dynamics, with police actions encouraging people to go to vote in nearby areas, but also mobilizing residents in neighboring areas to participate, especially those individuals with fewer incentives to turn out to vote.
eng
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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the European Political Science Association. This is an Open
Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Beaten ballots: political participation dynamics amidst police interventions
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/468952021-03-24T02:31:07Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Liao, Pei-shan
Saris, Willem E.
Zavala-Rojas, Diana
2021-03-23T09:02:38Z
2021-03-23T09:02:38Z
2019
Liao P, Saris WE, Zavala-Rojas D. Cross-national comparison of equivalence and measurement quality of response scales in Denmark and Taiwan. J Off Stat. 2019;35(1):117-35. DOI: 10.2478/jos-2019-0006
2001-7367
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46895
http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jos-2019-0006
The split-ballot multitrait-multimethod (SB-MTMM) approach has been used to evaluate the measurement quality of questions in survey research. It aims to reduce the response burden of the classic MTMM design, which requires repeating alternative formulations of a survey measure to the same respondent at least three times, by using combinations of two methods in multiple groups. The SB-MTMM approach has been applied to the European Social Survey (ESS) to examine the quality of questions across countries, including the differences in response design and measurement errors. Despite wide application of the SB-MTMM design in Europe, it is yet unknown whether the same quality of survey instruments can be achieved in both a different cultural context and in a logographic writing system, like the one in Taiwan. This study tests for measurement invariance and compares measurement quality in Taiwan and Denmark, by estimating the reliability and validity of different response scales using the SB-MTMM approach. By using the same questions as in the ESS, a cross-cultural comparison is made, in order to understand whether the studied response scales perform equally well in Taiwan, compared to a European country. Results show that quality estimates are comparable across countries.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© De Gruyter Published version available at http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/JOS-2019-0006
Cross-national comparison of equivalence and measurement quality of response scales in Denmark and Taiwan
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/469892021-03-31T11:25:08Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Jiménez García, Juan Ramón
Jiménez Vicioso, Juan Ramón
2021-03-30T07:59:49Z
2021-03-30T07:59:49Z
2019
Jiménez-García JR, Jiménez Vicioso JR. Migraciones, estereotipos y rumores: combatiendo la Hidra-xenofobia en Andalucía. Trabajo Social. 2019;21(2):53-79. DOI: 10.15446/ts.v21n2.74641
2256-5493
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/46989
http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/ts.v21n2.74641
Este artículo describe el proyecto de la Red Anti-Rumores de Andalucía creada para combatir los prejuicios, estereotipos y rumores relacionados con las migraciones. Se exponen las características de las migraciones en Andalucía, los resultados de estudios de opinión de la población sobre esta realidad social y cómo determinados estereotipos que se reproducen en forma de rumores originan actitudes de rechazo, perjudicando gravemente la convivencia en una sociedad multicultural. Se concluye que la Red debe fortalecerse para combatir la xenofobia y el racismo, y lograr la plena inclusión social de esta nueva ciudadanía, mediante acciones de pedagogía y educación intercultural.
The article discusses the project of the Andalucía Anti-Rumors Network, created to combat prejudices, stereotypes, and rumors related to migrations. It describes the characteristics of migrations in Andalucía, the results of opinion polls re-garding this social reality, and the manner in which certain stereotypes that are reproduced generate attitudes of rejection, thus seriously affecting coexistence in a multicultural society. We conclude that the Network needs to be strengthened in order to combat xenophobia and racism and to achieve the full social inclusion of this new citizenship, through pedagogical and intercultural education actions.
Este artigo descreve o projeto da Rede Antiboatos de Andaluzia, criada para combater preconceitos, estereótipos e boatos relacionados com as migrações. Expõem-se as características das migrações em Andaluzia, Espanha, os resultados de estudos de opinião da população sobre essa realidade social e como determi-nados estereótipos que são reproduzidos em forma de boatos originam atitudes de rejeição, o que prejudica gravemente a convivência em uma sociedade multi-cultural. Conclui-se que a Rede deve ser fortalecida para combater a xenofobia e o racismo, e atingir a plena inclusão social dessa nova cidadania, mediante ações de pedagogia e educação intercultural.
spa
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
La publicación se realiza bajo las siguientes licencias de Creative Commons: Atribución – No comercial – Sin Derivar (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).
Migraciones, estereotipos y rumores: combatiendo la Hidra-xenofóbica en Andalucía
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/470342021-07-29T09:09:58Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Peralta Chiriboga, Alejandro Andrés, 1985-
Benach, Joan
Borrell i Thió, Carme
Espinel Flores, Verónica, 1979-
Cash-Gibson, Lucinda, 1984-
Queiroz, Bernardo L.
Marí Dell'Olmo, Marc, 1978-
2021-04-07T07:52:11Z
2021-04-07T07:52:11Z
2019
Peralta A, Benach J, Borrell C, Espinel-Flores V, Cash-Gibson L, Queiroz BL, Marí-Dell'Olmo M. Evaluation of the mortality registry in Ecuador (2001–2013): social and geographical inequalities in completeness and quality. Popul Health Metr. 2019 Mar 28;17(3):1-12. DOI: 10.1186/s12963-019-0183-y
1478-7954
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47034
http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s12963-019-0183-y
Background
Mortality registries are an essential data source for public health surveillance and for planning and evaluating public policy. Nevertheless, there are still large inequalities in the completeness and quality of mortality registries between and within countries. In Ecuador, there have been few nationwide evaluations of the mortality registry and no evaluations of inequalities between provinces. This kind of analysis is fundamental for strengthening the vital statistics system.
Methods
Ecological study assessing the completeness, quality and internal consistency of mortality data in the provinces of Ecuador, using 13 years of mortality data (2001–2013). Completeness was assessed using three types of death distribution methods (DDMs), quality by estimating the percentages of garbage codes and deaths with unspecified age or sex in the registered deaths, and internal consistency by estimating the percentage of deaths with reported causes of deaths considered impossible in some age–sex combinations. Finally, we propose a classification of the mortality registry in the studied areas based on completeness and quality.
Results
Completeness estimates (mean of the three methods used) in the provinces ranged from 21 to 87% in women and from 35 to 89% in men. The percentage of garbage codes in the provinces ranged from 21 to 56% in women and from 25 to 52% in men. Garbage coding was higher in women and in older age groups. The percentage of deaths with unspecified age or sex, and the percentage of deaths with reported causes of deaths considered impossible in some age–sex combinations was low in all the studied areas. The mortality registry could only be classified as acceptable in one area for men and one area for women.
Conclusions
We found substantial inequalities by sex, geographical areas and age in the completeness and quality of the mortality registry of Ecuador. The findings of this study will be helpful to direct measures to improve Ecuador’s vital statistics system and to generate strategies to reduce bias when using mortality data to analyse health inequalities in the country.
eng
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made.
Evaluation of the mortality registry in Ecuador (2001–2013): social and geographical inequalities in completeness and quality
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/470942021-04-14T01:30:30Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Verd, Joan Miquel
Barranco, Oriol
Bolíbar, Mireia
2021-04-13T07:52:12Z
2021-04-13T07:52:12Z
2019
Verd JM, Barranco O, Bolíbar M. Youth unemployment and employment trajectories in Spain during the Great Recession: what are the determinants?. J Labour Market Res. 2019;53:4. DOI: 10.1186/s12651-019-0254-3
2510-5027
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47094
http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s12651-019-0254-3
Since the beginning of the recession period in Europe, unemployment has greatly affected the young adult population. In this context, Spain is regarded as an extreme case, due to its exceptionally high youth unemployment rates. This article seeks to identify the determinants that have led certain groups of Spanish young people to suffer labour market trajectories with higher levels of unemployment and instability during the Great Recession than others. To do this, retrospective data from the 2012 Catalan Youth Survey are used. With these data and using cluster analysis, a typology of labour market trajectories is constructed. Next, multinomial logistic regressions are used to identify what individual socio-demographic characteristics and pre-crisis employment experiences are connected to these different typological career paths. Results show that the highly differentiated career paths are associated with different social profiles and differences in the presence of unemployment. Moreover, interesting differences among the most unstable career paths appear. For the most vulnerable social profiles the employment trajectory prior to the crisis seems to point towards the existence of an entrapment in low-skilled jobs that alternate with situations of unemployment. For those with a slightly better position their employment situation after the initiation of the crisis seems to have been impacted by their brief labour market trajectory before the crisis and their resulting work experience gap.
eng
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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© The Author(s) 2019. This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made.
Youth unemployment and employment trajectories in Spain during the Great Recession: what are the determinants?
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/470952021-04-14T01:30:34Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Llop Gironés, Alba, 1987-
Cash-Gibson, Lucinda, 1984-
Chicumbe, Sergio
Alvarez, Francesc
Zahinos, Ivan
Mazive, Elisio
Benach, Joan
2021-04-13T07:52:16Z
2021-04-13T07:52:16Z
2019
Llop-Gironés A, Cash-Gibson L, Chicumbe S, Alvarez F, Zahinos I, Mazive E, Benach J. Health equity monitoring is essential in public health: lessons from Mozambique. Global Health. 2019;15:67. DOI: 10.1186/s12992-019-0508-4
1744-8603
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47095
http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s12992-019-0508-4
Background: Countries must be able to describe and monitor their populations health and well-being needs in an attempt to understand and address them. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) have re-emphasized the need to invest in comprehensive health information systems to monitor progress towards health equity; however, knowledge on the capacity of health information systems to be able do this, particularly in low-income countries, remains very limited. As a case study, we aimed to evaluate the current capacity of the national health information systems in Mozambique, and the available indicators to monitor health inequalities, in line with SDG 3 (Good Health and Well Being for All at All Ages). Methods: A data source mapping of the health information system in Mozambique was conducted. We followed the World Health Organization’s methodology of assessing data sources to evaluate the information available for every equity stratifier using a three-point scale: 1 - information is available, 2 - need for more information, and 3 - an information gap. Also, for each indicator we estimated the national average inequality score. Results: Eight data sources contain health information to measure and monitor progress towards health equity in line with the 27 SDG3 indicators. Seven indicators bear information with nationally funded data sources, ten with data sources externally funded, and ten indicators either lack information or it does not applicable for the matter of the study. None of the 27 indicators associated with SDG3 can be fully disaggregated by equity stratifiers; they either lack some information (15 indicators) or do not have information at all (nine indicators). The indicators that contain more information are related to maternal and child health. Conclusions: There are important information gaps in Mozambique’s current national health information system which prevents it from being able to comprehensively measure and monitor health equity. Comprehensive national health information systems are an essential public health need. Significant policy and political challenges must also be addressed to ensure effective interventions and action towards health equity in the country.
eng
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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© The Author(s). 2019 Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made. The Creative Commons Public Domain Dedication waiver
(http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/) applies to the data made available in this article, unless otherwise stated.
Health equity monitoring is essential in public health: lessons from Mozambique
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/470962022-10-03T11:16:36Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Hoerner, Julian M.
Jaax, Alexander
Rodon i Casarramona, Antoni
2021-04-13T07:52:20Z
2021-04-13T07:52:20Z
2019
Hoerner JM, Jaax A, Rodon T. The long-term impact of the location of concentration camps on radical-right voting in Germany. RAP. 2019;6(4):1-8. DOI: 10.1177/2053168019891376
2053-1680
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47096
http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168019891376
Of all atrocities committed by state actors in 20th century Europe, the systematic killings by Nazi Germany were arguably the most severe and best documented. While several studies have investigated the impact of the presence of concentration camps on surrounding communities in Germany and the occupied territories in terms of redistribution of wealth and property, the local-level impact on voting behaviour has not yet been explored. We investigated the impact of spatial proximity to a concentration camp between 1933 and 1945 on the likelihood of voting for far-right parties in the 2013 and 2017 federal elections. We find that proximity to a former concentration camp is associated with a higher vote share of such parties. A potential explanation for this finding could be a ‘memory satiation effect’, according to which voters who live in close proximity to former camps and are more frequently confronted with the past are more receptive to revisionist historical accounts questioning the centrality of the Holocaust in the German culture of remembrance.
eng
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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 License (http://www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/) which permits non-commercial use, reproduction and distribution of the work without further permission provided the original work is attributed as specified on the SAGE and Open Access pages (https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/open-access-at-sage)
The long-term impact of the location of concentration camps on radical-right voting in Germany
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/471122021-04-15T11:46:16Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Verge Mestre, Tània
Alonso Álvarez, Alba
2021-04-14T08:16:35Z
2021-04-14T08:16:35Z
2019
Verge Mestre T, Alonso Álvarez A. La ceguera al género en el
currículum de la ciencia política y su impacto en el alumnado. Rev Int Sociol. 2019;77(3):e135. DOI: 10.3989/ris.2019.77.3.18.003
0034-9712
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47112
http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/ris.2019.77.3.18.003
Pese al prolífico marco normativo sobre perspectiva de género en la docencia universitaria, su implementación no ha sido efectiva. Este artículo presta atención al currículum de la Ciencia Política. En primer lugar, a través de distintos indicadores cuantitativos, analizamos las guías docentes de primer curso de todos los grados de Ciencia Política impartidos en España y realizamos un análisis de contenido cualitativo de los principales manuales introductorios. En segundo lugar, evaluamos el impacto que la ceguera al género detectada tiene sobre el alumnado, mediante el estudio de caso de una universidad, a través de grupos de discusión. La brecha existente entre el marco normativo sobre transversalidad de género en el ámbito universitario y la práctica de su implementación, concretamente en el currículum, nos permite reflexionar sobre cómo este déficit puede limitar el desarrollo del pensamiento crítico del alumnado y hacer que su futura práctica profesional reproduzca las desigualdades de género.
Despite the prolific normative framework on gender mainstreaming in academic institutions, its implementa-tion has not been effective. This article pays attention to the Political Science curriculum. First, we examine the syllabi of first-year courses of all the Political Science degrees offered in Spain through several quantitative indicators and carry out a qualitative content analysis of the main introductory textbooks. Second, we evaluate the impact of such pervasive gender-blind curriculum on students, by means of the case study of a single university, through focus groups. The existing gap be-tween the normative framework on gender mainstream-ing in universities and the practice of its implementa-tion, specifically as regards the curriculum, allows us to reflect on how this deficit can limit the development of students’ critical thinking and make their future professional practice reproduce gender inequalities.
spa
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© 2019 CSIC. Este es un artículo de acceso abierto distribuido bajo los términos de la licencia de uso y distribución Creative Commons Reconocimiento 4.0 Internacional (CC BY 4.0) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
La ceguera al género en el currículum de la ciencia política y su impacto en el alumnado
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/472012021-04-28T01:30:48Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Alarcón, Pau
Fernández Martínez, José Luis
Font, Joan
2021-04-26T07:59:02Z
2021-04-26T07:59:02Z
2020
Alarcón P, Fernández-Martínez JL, Joan F. Comparing environmental advisory councils: how they work and why it matters. Sustainability. 2020 May 23;12(10):4286. DOI: 10.3390/su12104286
2071-1050
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47201
http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12104286
In many countries, advisory councils are the most common participatory institution in which public administration interacts with civil society around environmental issues. Nevertheless, our knowledge about them is quite limited. The main goal of this article is to show the differences they present with advisory councils in other policy areas in three main aspects: who participates, how they work, and which are their outputs. These differences are especially important because they emerge again regarding their participants’ opinions and satisfaction. We adopt a quantitative perspective in order to analyze this reality in Spain, a country where advisory councils are widespread and highly institutionalized at national, regional and local levels. After developing a mapping of 2013 existing advisory councils, we selected a sample of 55 in three policy areas. The data collected included their formal rules, composition, website characteristics and a survey to 501 participants. This set of evidence shows that environmental councils are more poorly designed, and that this is consequential since it is related with more negative opinions among their members and to a larger degree of polarization in their perceptions.
eng
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© 2020 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
Comparing environmental advisory councils: how they work and why it matters
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/472022021-04-27T01:31:04Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Schwartz, Seth J.
Szabó, Ágnes
Meca, Alan
Ward, Colleen
Martinez Jr., Charles R.
Cobb, Cory L.
Benet-Martínez, Verónica
Unger, Jennifer B.
Pantea, Nadina
2021-04-26T07:59:06Z
2021-04-26T07:59:06Z
2020
Schwartz SJ, Szabó Á, Meca A, Ward C, Martinez Jr CR, Cobb CL, Benet-Martínez V, Unger JB, Pantea N. The Convergence between cultural psychology and developmental science: acculturation as an exemplar. Front Psychol. 2020 May 12;11:887. DOI: 10.3389/fpsyg.2020.00887
1664-1078
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47202
http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2020.00887
The present article proposes an integration between cultural psychology and developmental science. Such an integration would draw on the cultural-psychology principle of culture–psyche interactions, as well as on the developmental-science principle of person↔context relations. Our proposed integration centers on acculturation, which is inherently both cultural and developmental. Specifically, we propose that acculturation is governed by specific transactions between the individual and the cultural context, and that different types of international migrants (e.g., legal immigrants, undocumented immigrants, refugees, asylum seekers, crisis migrants) encounter quite different culture–psyche interactions and person↔context relations. We outline the ways in which various acculturation-related phenomena, such as acculturation operating at macro-level versus micro-level time scales, can be viewed through cultural and developmental lenses. The article concludes with future directions in research on acculturation as an intersection of cultural and developmental processes.
eng
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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© 2020 Schwartz, Szabó, Meca, Ward, Martinez, Cobb, Benet-Martínez, Unger and Pantea. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY). The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.
The Convergence between cultural psychology and developmental science: acculturation as an exemplar
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/472202021-04-28T01:31:08Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Faustini Torres, Luisa
2021-04-27T08:09:07Z
2021-04-27T08:09:07Z
2020
Faustini-Torres L. Another nexus?: exploring narratives on the linkage between EU external migration policies and the democratization of the southern Mediterranean neighbourhood. Comp Migr Stud. 2020 Feb 17;8:9. DOI: 10.1186/s40878-019-0165-z
2214-594X
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47220
http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40878-019-0165-z
Since the beginning of the twenty-first century and after two turning point events – 09-11 terrorist attacks and the ‘Arab spring’ – both migration control and democracy promotion became central issues within EU foreign policy, in particular to what concern its relations with the southern Mediterranean neighbourhood. However, although many authors allude to the relation between these two policy dimensions, little is known about their linkage. On the one hand, the debate about EU external migration policies narratives has revolved mainly around the migration-security and migration-development nexus. On the other, whereas the developmental paradigm has dominated the root-causes approach little attention has been given to its political dimension. This article aims to overcome these limitations through exploring these other nexus: the one between these policies and the democratization of southern Mediterranean countries. To investigate this nexus I follow a Narrative Policy Analysis approach - the most suitable for investigating issues of high complexity, uncertainty and polarization, which seems to be precisely the case of EU external migration policies. Hence, drawing on longitudinal and interpretative content analysis of EU official documents covering the period between 1995 and 2018, this study seeks to expose the main narratives casted by the EU on the issue and to identify if there has been consistence or change in the stories and arguments over time and in particular, before and after the ‘Arab spring’. Ultimately, the goal was to confirm the presence of this nexus by exposing its complexity and trying to understand its configuration. This is considered as an important step towards further disentangling the logics and impacts of the externalization of EU migration policies towards its Southern Mediterranean neighbourhood.
eng
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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© The Author(s). 2020 Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made.
Another nexus?: exploring narratives on the linkage between EU external migration policies and the democratization of the southern Mediterranean neighbourhood
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/472212023-06-23T07:57:05Zcom_10230_5542com_10230_16076col_10230_8581col_10230_16208
Garcés Mascareñas, B. (Blanca)
Gebhardt, Dirk
2021-04-27T08:09:11Z
2021-04-27T08:09:11Z
2020
Garcés-Mascareñas B, Gebhardt D. Barcelona: municipalist policy entrepreneurship in a centralist refugee reception system. Comp Migr Stud. 2020;8:15. DOI: 10.1186/s40878-020-0173-z
2214-594X
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47221
http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40878-020-0173-z
This article is a case study of Barcelona’s policy entrepreneurship in innovating refugee reception. In a context of a highly centralised and increasingly dysfunctional Spanish refugee reception system, it traces how Barcelona, after declaring itself a city of refuge, aimed to change refugee reception into a more decentralised and bottom-up system with a major role of cities. Following Minstrom and Norman, the article reconstructs the city’s policy entrepreneurship and shows how the city 1) led by example in developing innovative local policies; 2) developed political arguments for change from a municipalist stance in coalition with other cities at national and EU level; and 3) worked its arguments into more technical discussions on the future of integration funding in the EU. On the basis of these developments, the article reaches two main conclusions. First, while the different registers of policy entrepreneurship cannot be directly connected to any concrete change of the multi-level setup of refugee reception, they do represent a significant step forward in cities’ self-organisation beyond ideological lines and a factor contributing to a stronger recognition of cities in refugee reception in Europe. Second, while the literature on multilevel governance has an in-built bias towards more coordinated and harmonious relationships across tiers, the case of Barcelona shows that more attention should be paid to conflict and change.
eng
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This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made.
Barcelona: municipalist policy entrepreneurship in a centralist refugee reception system
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/472222022-10-03T11:13:29Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Parada, Maria Jose
Gimeno, Alberto
Samara, Georges
Saris, Willem E.
2021-04-27T08:09:16Z
2021-04-27T08:09:16Z
2020
Parada MJ, Gimeno A, Samara G, Saris W. The adoption of governance mechanisms in family businesses: an institutional lens. Journal of Family Business Management. 2020 Apr 29:1-18. DOI: 10.1108/JFBM-07-2019-0054
2043-6238
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47222
http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/JFBM-07-2019-0054
Purpose
Despite agreement on the importance of adopting governance structures for developing competitive advantage, we still know little about why or how governance mechanisms are adopted in the first place. We also acknowledge that family businesses with formal governance mechanisms in place still resort to informal means to make decisions, and we lack knowledge about why certain governance mechanisms are sometimes, but not always, effective and functional. Given these research gaps, and drawing on institutional theory, we aim to explore: How are governance structures adopted and developed in family firms? Once adopted, how do family businesses perceive these governance structures?
Design/methodology/approach
Using Mokken Scale Analysis, a method suitable to uncover patterns/sequences of adoption/acquisition over time, we analyze a dataset of 1,488 Spanish family firms to explore if there is a specific pattern in the implementation of governance structures. We complement the analysis with descriptive data about perceived usefulness of such structures.
Findings
Our findings highlight two important issues. Family businesses follow a specific process implementing first business governance (board of directors, then executive committee), followed by family governance (family council then family constitution). We suggest they do so in response to institutional pressures, given the exposure they have to business practices, and their need to appear legitimate. Despite formal adoption of governance structures, family businesses do not necessarily consider them useful. We suggest that their perception about the usefulness of the implemented governance structures may lead to their ceremonial adoption, resulting in a gap between the implementation and functionality of such structures.
Research limitations/implications
Our article contributes to the family business literature by bringing novel insights about implementation of governance structures. We take a step back to explain why these governance mechanisms were adopted in the first place. Using institutional theory we enrich governance and family business literatures, by offering a lens that explains why family businesses follow a specific process in adopting governance structures. We also offer a plausible explanation as to why governance structures are ineffective in achieving their theorized role in the context of family businesses, based on the family's perception of the unusefulness of such structures, and the concept of ceremonial adoption.
Practical implications
There is no single recipe that can serve the multiple needs of different family businesses. This indicates that family businesses may need diverse levels of development and order when setting up their governance structures. Accordingly, this study constitutes an important point of demarcation for practitioners interested in examining the effectiveness of governance structures in family firms. We show that an important pre-requisite for examining the effectiveness of governance structures is to start by investigating whether these structures are actually being used or are only adopted ceremonially.
Originality/value
Our paper expands current knowledge on governance in family firms by taking a step back hinting at why are governance structures adopted in the first place. Focusing on how governance is implemented in terms of sequence is novel and relevant for researcher and practitioners to understand how this process unfolds. Our study uses institutional theory, which is a strong theory to support the results. Our paper also uses a novel method to study governance structures in family firms.
eng
http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© Maria Jose Parada, Alberto Gimeno, Georges Samara and Willem Saris. Published by Emerald Publishing Limited. This article is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) licence. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article (for both commercial & non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this licence may be seen at http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/ legalcode.
The adoption of governance mechanisms in family businesses: an institutional lens
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/473882022-05-20T07:23:34Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Nie, Wanli
Baizán, Pau
2021-05-11T08:43:17Z
2021-05-11T08:43:17Z
2021
Nie W, Baizan P. Does emancipation matter? Fertility of Chinese international migrants to the United States and nonmigrants during China's one-child policy period. International Migration Review. 2021;55(4):1029-60. DOI: 10.1177/0197918321994789
0197-9183
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47388
http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0197918321994789
This article investigates the impact of international migration to the United States on the level and timing of Chinese migrants’ fertility. We compare Chinese women who did not leave the country (non-migrants) and were subject to restrictive family policies from 1974 to 2015 to those who moved to the United States (migrants) and were, thus, “emancipated” from these policies. We theoretically develop and empirically test the emancipation hypothesis that migrants should have a higher fertility than non-migrants, as well as an earlier timing of childbearing. This emancipation effect is hypothesized to decline across birth cohorts. We use data from the 2000 US census, the 2005 American Community Survey, the 2000 Chinese census, and the 2005 Chinese 1 percent Population Survey and discrete-time event history models to analyze first, second, and third births, and migration as joint processes, to account for selection effects. The results show that Chinese migrants to the United States had substantially higher childbearing probabilities after migration, compared with non-migrants in China, especially for second and third births. Moreover, our analyses indicate that the migration process is selective of migrants with lower fertility. Overall, the results show how international migration from China to the United States can lead to an increase in migrant women’s fertility, accounting for disruption, adaptation, and selection effects. The rapidly increased fertility after migration from China to the United States might have implications on other migration contexts where fertility in the origin country is dropping rapidly while that in the destination country is relatively stable.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Wanli Nie, Pau Baizan, Does emancipation matter? Fertility of Chinese international migrants to the United States and nonmigrants during China's one-child policy period, International Migration Review. Copyright © 2021 SAGE Publications. DOI: 10.1177/0197918321994789.
Does emancipation matter? Fertility of Chinese international migrants to the United States and nonmigrants during China's one-child policy period
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/473982021-05-13T01:31:00Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Fernandez Lozano, Irina
González López, María José, 1966-
Jurado Guerrero, Teresa
Martínez Pastor, Juan Ignacio
2021-05-12T08:38:46Z
2021-05-12T08:38:46Z
2021
Fernandez-Lozano I, González MJ, Jurado-Guerrero T, Martínez-Pastor JI. The Hidden cost of flexibility: a factorial survey experiment on job promotion. Eur Sociol Rev. 2020;36(2):265-83. DOI: 10.1093/esr/jcz059
0266-7215
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47398
http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcz059
This article analyses the role of gender, parenthood, and work flexibility measures and the mediating role of stereotypes on the likelihood of achieving an internal promotion in Spain. We hypothesize that employers favour fathers over mothers and disfavour flexible workers (flexibility stigma) because they are perceived, respectively, as less competent and less committed. We also hypothesize that employers reflect their gender values in the selection process. These hypotheses are tested using data from a survey experiment in which 71 supervisors from private companies evaluate 426 short vignettes describing six different candidates for promotion into positions that require decision-making and team supervision skills. Several candidate characteristics are experimentally manipulated, while others such as skills and experience in the company are kept constant to minimize the risk of statistical discrimination. Contrary to our expectations, fathers are not preferred in promotion, as they are not perceived as being more competent than mothers. However, we find that flexibility leads to lower promotion scores, partly due to its association with a lack of commitment. Although the statutory right to reduce working hours for care reasons seems a major social achievement, this experiment shows that mothers may be indirectly penalized, as they are the main users of this policy.
eng
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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© The Author(s) 2019. Published by Oxford University Press. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. For commercial re-use, please contact journals.permissions@oup.com
The Hidden cost of flexibility: a factorial survey experiment on job promotion
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/473992021-05-13T10:37:47Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
González López, María José, 1966-
Miret Gamundi, Pau
Treviño, Rocío
2021-05-12T08:38:53Z
2021-05-12T08:38:53Z
2010
González MJ, Miret-Gamundi P, Treviño R. "Just living together": implications of cohabitation for fathers’ participation in child care in Western Europe. Demogr Res. 2010;23(16):445-78. DOI: 10.4054/DemRes.2010.23.16
1435-9871
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47399
http://dx.doi.org/10.4054/DemRes.2010.23.16
This article tests the assumption that cohabitation makes a difference in the allocation of child care responsibilities within couples. It has often been presumed that cohabiting individuals are less likely to adhere to traditional gender ideology than married persons, because they tend to have a lower tolerance for poorly functioning relationships, assign more value to individual freedom and base their relationship on egalitarian individualism rather than on the joint utility maximization of married couples. So far, however, most studies have focused on the determinants and consequences of being in cohabitation and have overlooked its gender implications.
Here we explore whether fathers in consensual unions are more prone than fathers in marital unions to share childcare responsibilities with their female partners. We use multilevel regression models for panel data to analyse ECHP in the period between 1996 and 2001. Our sample included around 13,000 couples living in heterosexual partnerships with small children (at least one child below age 13), and yielded around 45,000 observations over this period of time in ten Western European nations. We found weak evidence of the influence of cohabitation on gender equality as compared to married couples, while discovering that the diffusion of cohabitation at the societal level is associated with more equal allotment of child care among partners.
eng
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/2.0/de/deed.en
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License, 2.0 Germany (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/2.0/de/deed.en). González MJ, Miret-Gamundi P, Treviño R. "Just living together": implications of cohabitation for fathers’ participation in child care in Western Europe. Demogr Res. 2010;23(16):445-78.
"Just living together": implications of cohabitation for fathers’ participation in child care in Western Europe
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/474002022-10-03T11:13:55Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
González López, María José, 1966-
Cortina Trilla, Clara
Rodríguez, Jorge
2021-05-12T08:39:03Z
2021-05-12T08:39:03Z
2019
González MJ, Cortina C, Rodríguez J. The role of gender stereotypes in hiring: a field experiment. Eur Sociol Rev. 2019;35(2):187-204. DOI: 10.1093/esr/jcy055
0266-7215
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47400
http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcy055
Using correspondence testing, we investigate if employers discriminate against women based on stereotypes or prejudices. We sent four (two pairs of fictitious man–woman) résumés to 1,372 job offers from a broad selection of occupations. In one pair, candidates had equivalent curriculum vitae (CVs) except for their sex and their qualifications (meeting standards or higher). In the second pair, candidates differed by sex and parenthood status (with or without children). We interpret the observed differences in favour of men as signalling gender bias in recruitment. This bias is reduced when women have higher qualifications and increases when they have children. We interpret employers’ openness to modify their decisions when candidates’ personal characteristics differ from the group norm, and the absence of discrimination among highly qualified non-mothers, as evidence that gender bias in recruitment is largely grounded in employers’ stereotypes rather than in prejudices.
eng
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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© The Author(s) 2019. Published by Oxford University Press. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted reuse, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
The role of gender stereotypes in hiring: a field experiment
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/476832021-05-29T01:30:53Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Güerri Ferrández, Cristina
Alarcón, Pau
2021-05-28T09:30:21Z
2021-05-28T09:30:21Z
2021
Güerri C, Alarcón P. Calidad de vida de migrantes presos: diferencias en la percepción de calidad de vida penitenciaria entre migrantes y autóctonos en las prisiones españolas. Polit Crim. 2021 Jun;16(4):83-114.
0178-3399
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47683
Las personas extranjeras están sobrerrepresentadas en numerosas prisiones de Europa occidental, incluida España. Consecuentemente, existe una preocupación creciente por conocer su situación y garantizar la igualdad de trato en el ámbito penitenciario. Sin embargo, la literatura al respecto en España es escasa y no establece qué problemáticas son comunes a todos los presos y cuáles son específicas de los extranjeros. Nuestro objetivo es comprobar si la vivencia del encarcelamiento difiere entre presos autóctonos y migrantes de cuatro prisiones catalanas mediante el análisis comparativo de sus respuestas al cuestionario MQPL sobre calidad de vida en prisión, combinando dos estrategias metodológicas cuantitativas y apoyándonos en información cualitativa. Concluimos que la administración penitenciaria parece realizar un buen trabajo a la hora de proporcionar igualdad de trato, pues la valoración de los presos migrantes de su calidad de vida no es peor que la de los nacionales, aunque se advierten mayores dificultades para la progresión penitenciaria que deberían corregirse. Asimismo, se muestra la importancia de diferenciar entre colectivos de migrantes en el desarrollo de las políticas penitenciarias, pues ello permite un mejor reconocimiento de sus necesidades como grupo no homogéneo y, por tanto, una mejor respuesta frente a la necesidad de un trato igualitario.
Foreigners are overrepresented in most Western European prisons, including Spain. For this reason, there has been a growing interest in studying the conditions of detention for foreigners in European prisons and granting that international standards on equal treatment are met. Notwithstanding, previous literature on the living conditions of foreign prisoners in Spain is scarce and it does not distinguish if the problems identified are common to every prisoner or they only affect non-natives. Therefore, our goal is to test if quality of prison life differs between native and migrant prisoners in four Spanish prisons. For this purpose, we compare the answers of both groups to the Measuring Quality of Prison Life survey. Our results show that the studied prisons seem to be providing equal treatment to native and migrant prisoners, although the latter face more difficulties for sentence progression that should be addressed. Moreover, it is argued that differences among groups of migrants should be considered when implementing penitentiary policies since recognizing their needs as a non-homogeneous group allows for providing equal treatment.
spa
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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Los contenidos publicados en Política Criminal están bajo una licencia de ReconocimientoNoComercial-SinObraDerivada 2.0 de Creative Commons, que permite la copia, distribución y comunicación pública siempre y cuando se cite el autor del texto y la fuente, tal y como consta en la citación recomendada que aparece en cada artículo.
Calidad de vida de migrantes presos: diferencias en la percepción de calidad de vida penitenciaria entre migrantes y autóctonos en las prisiones españolas
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/476842023-03-21T14:04:57Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Alarcón, Pau
Galais Gonzàlez, Carolina
Font, Joan
Smith, Graham
2021-05-28T09:30:25Z
2021-05-28T09:30:25Z
2019
Alarcón P, Galais C, Font J, Smith G. The effects of economic crises on participatory democracy. Policy Polit. 2019 Apr;47(2):265-86. DOI: 10.1332/030557318X15407316045688
0305-5736
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47684
http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557318X15407316045688
This paper examines the impact of economic conditions on participatory democracy. It analyses whether economic crises affect the types of proposals that emerge from local participatory processes and the fate of these proposals. Focusing on more than 500 proposals that emerged from 34 participatory processes in Spain between 2007 and 2011, our study covers a period which straddles the emergence of severe economic problems resulting from the global financial crisis. Applying four different but complementary analytical strategies, we find two types of effects. First, proposals made during the crisis period were less costly though more challenging. Second, local governments implemented a smaller proportion of the proposals that were put forward by the public. These findings suggest that external economic shocks reduce the ability of governments to respond to the demands of citizens, but that citizens also recalibrate their expectations in response to austerity.
eng
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© Policy Press
The effects of economic crises on participatory democracy
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/476852023-03-21T14:04:45Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Font, Joan
Smith, Graham
Galais Gonzàlez, Carolina
Alarcón, Pau
2021-05-28T09:30:29Z
2021-05-28T09:30:29Z
2017
Font J, Smith G, Galais C, Alarcón P. Cherry-picking participation: explaining the fate of proposals from participatory processes. Eur J Polit Res. 2017 Oct 18;57(3):615-36. DOI: 10.1111/1475-6765.12248
0304-4130
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47685
http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12248
What happens to the proposals generated by participatory processes? One of the key aspects of participatory processes that has been the subject of rare systematic analysis and comparison is the fate of their outputs: their policy proposals. Which specific factors explain whether these proposals are accepted, rejected or transformed by public authorities? In this article contextual and proposal-related factors are identified that are likely to affect the prospect of proposals being implemented. The explanatory power of these factors are tested through multilevel analysis on a diverse set of 571 policy proposals. The findings offer evidence that both contextual and proposal-related variables are important. The design of participatory processes affects the degree of implementation, with participatory budgeting and higher quality processes being particularly effective. Most significant for explaining outcomes are proposal-level, economic and political factors: a proposal's cost, the extent to which it challenges existing policy and the degree of support it has within the municipality all strongly affect the chance of implementation.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
This is the peer reviewed version of the following article: Font J, Smith G, Galais C, Alarcón P. Cherry-picking participation: explaining the fate of proposals from participatory processes. Eur J Polit Res. 2017 Oct 18;57(3):615-36, which has been published in final form at http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12248. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Conditions for Use of Self-Archived Versions.
Cherry-picking participation: explaining the fate of proposals from participatory processes
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/476952021-06-01T01:30:53Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Font, Joan
García Espín, Patricia
Alarcón, Pau
2021-05-31T09:02:11Z
2021-05-31T09:02:11Z
2015
Font J, García Espín P, Alarcón P. Las encuestas en las administraciones públicas españolas: evidencias preliminares de un escenario multinivel. Revista de Estudios Políticos. 2015;170:155-85. DOI: 10.18042/cepc/rep.170.05
0048-7694
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47695
http://dx.doi.org/10.18042/cepc/rep.170.05
¿Qué tipo de encuestas producen las administraciones públicas? ¿Quién encarga, usa y analiza dichos estudios? ¿Cuáles son sus características metodológicas y para qué políticas se utilizan? ¿El contenido de los estudios encargados por las administraciones públicas de los diferentes niveles territoriales difieren sustancialmente? Carecemos de información empírica sistemática para responder a estas preguntas en el caso español. Utilizamos tres fuentes públicas (que corresponden al nivel local, autonómico y nacional) para elaborar una imagen preliminar de las encuestas encargadas por las administraciones públicas españolas. El artículo realiza una descripción comparativa de estas encuestas y analiza sus características diferenciales. Para ello, creamos una base de datos con 350 encuestas y analizamos los promotores, así como los contenidos y características metodológicas de las mismas. Las encuestas llevadas a cabo en cada uno de estos niveles son muy diferentes entre sí. La agenda política de cada una de estas administraciones, sus recursos y sobre todo las características de estas instituciones en el momento de su creación son las explicaciones más plausibles de las diferencias observadas.
What types of attitudinal surveys are produced by public administrations? Who commissions, uses and analyses them? What are their methodological characteristics and for which policies are they used? Do the contents of surveys commissioned by public administrations at different territorial levels differ? We lack any systematic empirical information to answer these questions in the Spanish case. Three public sources (corresponding to the local, regional and national level) are used to establish a preliminary picture of the attitudinal surveys commissioned by Spanish public administrations. This paper makes a comparative description of these surveys and discusses their differing characteristics. We create a new database of 350 surveys, where characteristics of the survey promoters, its contents and technical details are discussed. The surveys carried out at each of the three levels are quite different. The policy agendas of these administrations, their resources and especially the organisational characteristics of these institutions at their creation are the most likely explanations of many of their differences.
spa
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
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Los trabajos de la REP quedan bajo la Licencia de reconocimiento de Creative Commons Reconocimiento-No comercial-Sin obra derivada 4.0 Internacional https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
Las encuestas en las administraciones públicas españolas: evidencias preliminares de un escenario multinivel
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/476962021-06-01T01:30:55Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Alarcón, Pau
Font, Joan
2021-05-31T09:02:15Z
2021-05-31T09:02:15Z
2014
Alarcón P, Font J. Where are the boundaries of deliberation and participation?: a transatlantic debate. Journal of public deliberation. 2014 Dec 10;10(2):11. DOI: 10.16997/jdd.213
1937-2841
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47696
http://dx.doi.org/10.16997/jdd.213
This article uses recent empirical results from a comparative Southern European study to show that the participatory practices commonly developed in this area are quite different from some of the common ideas related to deliberation in the English-speaking world. One of the main differences lies in the characteristics of the promoters, since most of them are top-down experiences organized by public authorities. The other main difference lies in the role played by equality concerns, which are quite marginal in most of these processes. In other aspects, like the role of participation professionals or the existence of important inequalities in the participation of different groups of citizens, the experiences developed in this area are not as different from what most of the comparative research has shown.
eng
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)
Where are the boundaries of deliberation and participation?: a transatlantic debate
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/476972023-03-21T14:05:24Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Galais Gonzàlez, Carolina
Font, Joan
Alarcón, Pau
Sesma, Dolores
2021-05-31T09:02:19Z
2021-05-31T09:02:19Z
2012
Galais C, Font J, Alarcón P, Sesma D. Methodological challenges for the large N study of local participatory experiences: combining methods and databases. Rev Int Sociol. 2012 Dec;70(2):65-87. DOI: 10.3989/ris.2012.04.04
0034-9712
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47697
http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/ris.2012.04.04
In this article we analyse the effects of different data collection strategies in the study of local participatory experiences in a region of Spain (Andalusia). We examine the divergences and similarities between the data collected using different methods, as well as the implications for the reliability of the data. We have collected participatory experiences through two parallel processes: a survey of municipalities and web content mining. The survey of municipalities used two complementary strategies: an online questionnaire and a CATI follow-up for those municipalities that had not answered our first online contact attempt. Both processes (survey and data mining) were applied to the same sample of municipalities, but provided significantly different images of the characteristics of Andalusia’s participatory landscape. The goal of this work is to discuss the different types of biases introduced by each data collection procedure and their implications for substantive analyses.
En este artículo analizamos los efectos de diferentes estrategias para la recolección de datos en el estudio de las experiencias participativas andaluzas. Examinamos para ello las diferencias y similitudes entre los datos recogidos mediante diferentes métodos, así como las implicaciones para la fiabilidad de los datos. Para ello, hemos utilizado dos procedimientos paralelos. En primer lugar, una encuesta a municipios y la minería de datos en Internet. La encuesta se realizó utilizando dos modos de administración diferentes, un cuestionario online y un cuestionario telefónico de seguimiento a los municipios que no respondieron al primer intento de contacto vía correo electrónico. Tanto la encuesta como la minería de datos fueron aplicados a la misma muestra de municipios, aunque arrojaron diferencias significativas en cuanto a las características del pano-rama participativo en Andalucía. El objetivo de este trabajo es discutir los diferentes tipos de sesgos introdu-cidos por cada procedimiento de recogida de datos y sus implicaciones para posteriores análisis sustantivos.
eng
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)
Methodological challenges for the large N study of local participatory experiences: combining methods and databases
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/477052023-03-21T14:05:33Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Font, Joan
Alarcón, Pau
Galais Gonzàlez, Carolina
Smith, Graham
2021-06-01T09:17:28Z
2021-06-01T09:17:28Z
2017
Font J, Alarcón P, Galais C, Smith G. Procesos participativos y crisis: ¿participación como respuesta a la crisis o participación recortada por la crisis?. Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez. 2017;47(2):151-66. DOI: 10.4000/mcv.7794
0076-230X
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47705
http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/mcv.7794
¿Cómo se han visto afectados los procesos participativos locales por la grave crisis económica, social y política que ha vivido España desde 2008? Aunque otras consecuencias de la crisis sí han sido muy discutidas, este tema apenas ha sido objeto de estudio. Para tratar de responder a esta cuestión utilizamos una base de datos de propuestas ciudadanas realizadas en procesos participativos locales desarrollados en la legislatura 2007-2011 y observamos cómo cambian las demandas sociales y las respuestas institucionales entre el período anterior a la crisis y el de su eclosión. Los resultados apuntan a un nivel moderado de cambios, que posiblemente se explica por un incremento en la modestia de estas propuestas. Sin embargo, algunos cambios existen y se observan en ambas dimensiones: de los procesos salen propuestas más austeras pero más innovadoras y las instituciones las ejecutan algo menos, especialmente las ideas con mayor coste.
How have local participatory processes been affected by the grim economic, social and political crisis that has afflicted Spain since 2008? While other consequences of the crisis have been widely discussed, hardly any attention has been paid to this issue. To try and address the question we used a data base of citizens’ proposals received in local participatory processes during the 2007-2011 legislature; and we observed how social demands and institutional responses changed between the period leading up to the crisis and its aegis. The results suggest a moderate degree of change, possibly due to the growing modesty of these proposals. However, there were some changes, and it was observed that in both dimensions of these processes, some proposals were more austere but more innovative and the executive institutions rather less so, especially in the case of more costly ideas.
Comment les processus participatifs locaux ont-ils été affectés par la grave crise économique, sociale et politique que traverse l'Espagne depuis 2008 ? Bien que d’autres conséquences de la crise aient déjà fait l’objet de nombreux débats, ce thème n'a guère été étudié. Pour essayer de répondre à cette question, nous utilisons une base de données des propositions citoyennes réalisées dans le cadre des processus participatifs locaux lancés au cours de la législature 2007-2011 et nous observons l’évolution des demandes sociales et des réponses institutionnelles correspondantes, entre la période qui précède la crise et celle de son éclosion. Les résultats indiquent un niveau modéré de changements, ce qui s’explique probablement par une augmentation du caractère modeste de ces propositions. Cependant, certains changements existent bien et peuvent être observés à deux niveaux : nous notons d'abord que des propositions plus austères mais plus innovatrices surgissent de ces processus et, par ailleurs, l'on constate que les institutions les mettent en place moins souvent, en particulier lorsqu’elles présentent un coût plus élevé.
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© Casa de Velázquez. La revue Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez est mise à disposition selon les termes de la Licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d’Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 3.0 France.
Procesos participativos y crisis: ¿participación como respuesta a la crisis o participación recortada por la crisis?
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/477162021-12-03T12:07:44Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Arregui, Javier
2021-06-02T07:57:47Z
2021-06-02T07:57:47Z
2015
Arregui J. Relaciones económicas UE-EEUU: negociación e implicaciones del TTIP. Revista CIDOB d'afers internacionals. 2015;110:43-66.
1133-6595
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47716
Este artículo analiza algunos de los argumentos más relevantes para crear una zona de libre comercio entre la UE y Estados Unidos. También identifica los temas más conflictivos sobre los que se está negociando la Asociación Transatlántica de Comercio e Inversión (ATCI o TTIP, por sus siglas en inglés) y las posibles vías de acuerdo según los mecanismos y estrategias que se utilizan. El artículo muestra que la negociación del TTIP tiene suficiente potencial para vincular temas entre sí para que tanto la UE como Estados Unidos puedan intercambiar posiciones en distintos temas a través del mecanismo de logrolling. Dado que el TTIP plantea ventajas potenciales relevantes para ambos, y que en este tipo de negociaciones suelen prevalecer las consideraciones de beneficios absolutos, es factible que se llegue a un acuerdo final aceptado por ambas partes. Ello supondría una nueva vuelta de tuerca al proceso de globalización con el objetivo de que Occidente siga desempeñando un papel central en la escena internacional.
spa
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals by CIDOB is licensed under a Creative Commons Reconocimiento-NoComercial-CompartirIgual 4.0 Internacional License.
Relaciones económicas UE-EEUU: negociación e implicaciones del TTIP
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/477172021-12-03T12:04:35Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Arregui, Javier
Thomson, Robert
2021-06-02T07:57:51Z
2021-06-02T07:57:51Z
2014
Arregui J, Thomson R. Domestic adjustment costs, interdependence and dissent in the Council of the European Union. Eur J Polit Res. 2014 Jul 11;53(4):692-708. DOI: 10.1111/1475-6765.12060
0304-4130
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47717
http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12060
Liberal international relations theory posits that the behaviour of states is affected both by domestic interests and other states with which they are linked in significant patterns of interdependence. This article examines the relevance of this proposition to states' behaviour in the most powerful institution in the furthest reaching example of regional integration in the world today: the Council of the European Union. Compared to previous research, more detailed evidence is analysed in this article on the substance of the political debates that preceded Council votes. It is found that states' disagreement with both discretionary and nondiscretionary decision outcomes affects the likelihood that they dissent at the voting stage. Moreover, in line with the theory posited here, the behaviour of states' significant trading partners has a particularly marked effect on the likelihood that they will dissent.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
This is the peer reviewed version of the following article: Arregui J, Thomson R. Domestic adjustment costs, interdependence and dissent in the Council of the European Union. Eur J Polit Res. 2014 Jul 11;53(4):692-708, which has been published in final form at http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12060. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Conditions for Use of Self-Archived Versions.
Domestic adjustment costs, interdependence and dissent in the Council of the European Union
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/477242023-06-23T07:33:23Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Rovira Sopeña, Martí
Larrauri, Elena
Alarcón, Pau
2021-06-02T10:08:19Z
2021-06-02T10:08:19Z
2018
Rovira M, Larrauri E, Alarcón P. La concesión de permisos penitenciarios: una aproximación criminológica a distintas fuentes de variación. Revista Electrónica de Ciencia Penal y Criminología. 2018;20(2):1-26.
1695-0194
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47724
Este trabajo presenta las variaciones temporales y territoriales en la concesión de permisos en España entre 1979 y 2016 y muestra el aumento en la concesión de permisos y el descenso en el número de quebrantamientos. También se constata una mayor concesión de permisos en Cataluña respecto del territorio administrado por la Secretaría General de Instituciones Penitenciarias. Además, a partir del análisis de datos de una encuesta realizada en centros penitenciarios, se destaca que la obtención de permisos se concentra en la última fase de la condena, y se revelan las diferencias por centros penitenciarios respecto del momento de concesión de los permisos. Por último, se visibiliza la importancia de la variable de la nacionalidad en la concesión de permisos. El trabajo concluye que estas variaciones pueden explicar parte de las quejas de los internos hacia esta institución.
This paper presents the temporal and territorial variations in the granting of temporary prison leave in the Spanish penitentiary system between 1979 and 2016, showing a gradual increase in granting leave and a decrease on the breach ratio. The analysis also depicts a higher rate of prison leave in Catalonia with respect to the area managed by the Secretaría General de Instituciones Penitenciarias. It also shows that a third of inmates in closed institutions have enjoyed a leave at some point. Notwithstanding, from the analysis of a survey carried out in prisons, it is highlighted that the granting of leave is concentrated in the last phase of the sentence, and that the variation by penitentiary centers is emphasized in the moment of the sentence on which the leave is granted. Finally, the importance of nationality in the granting of leave is made visible. The work concludes that these variations can explain part of the complaints of inmates towards this institution.
spa
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© Els autors
La concesión de permisos penitenciarios: una aproximación criminológica a distintas fuentes de variación
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/477682021-12-03T12:05:57Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Arregui, Javier
2021-06-04T07:42:03Z
2021-06-04T07:42:03Z
2007
Arregui J. Modelos de negociación en el proceso legislativo de la Unión Europea. Revista Española De Ciencia Política. 2007;17:83-111.
1575-6548
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47768
Este artículo analiza el tipo de mecanismos que estructuran los procesos de negociación y de toma de decisiones de la Unión Europea (UE). Para ello presentamos tres modelos de negociación que representan mecanismos explicativos distintos. Estos modelos son confrontados con datos empíricos sobre los procesos de negociación y de toma de decisiones. La base de datos utilizada incluye el análisis de 28 propuestas legislativas de la Comisión relacionadas con el proceso de negociación y66 propuestas legislativas relacionadas con el proceso de toma de decisiones. El análisis muestra que tanto el proceso de negociación como el proceso de toma de decisiones se estructuran principalmente en términos de compromisos e intercambios políticos entre actores.
eng
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Esta obra está bajo licencia internacional Creative Commons Reconocimiento-NoComercial-SinObrasDerivadas 4.0. (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)
Modelos de negociación en el proceso legislativo de la Unión Europea
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/477692021-12-03T12:08:10Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Arregui, Javier
2021-06-04T07:45:23Z
2021-06-04T07:45:23Z
2008
Arregui J. España en el proceso legislativo de la Unión Europea. Revista de Estudios Políticos. 2008;141:11-39.
0048-7694
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47769
Este artículo analiza el ratio de éxito que tiene España en el proceso legislativo de la Unión Europea (UE) en relación a otros estados miembros tales como Alemania, Reino Unido, Francia o Italia. Para ello utilizamos el data set más completo que existe hasta la fecha sobre el proceso de toma de decisiones de la UE, el DEU data set. Este data set incluye información sobre 66 propuestas legislativas y 162 dimensiones de conflicto o issues que fueron objeto de negociación y de una posterior resolución política. El anàlisis muestra como el desempeño político de España es inferior al que desarrollan Reino Unido o Alemania y es ligeramente superior al desempeño que llevan a cabo Francia e Italia. La principal variable que explica estas diferencias entre estos cinco países se refiere a las distintas capacidades informales que han desarrollado los distintos estados miembros.
This article analyses the relative success ratio of Spain in the legislative process of the European Union (EU) with respect to other member states such as Germany, United Kingdom, France or Italy. In our analysis, we use the most complete data set that exists about the decision making process in the EU, the DEU data set. This data set includes information about 66 legislative proposals and 162 issues or conflict dimensions that were object of bargaining and a subsequent political decision. The analysis shows that the political performance of Spain is not as good as the performance of the United Kingdom or Germany and it is somewhat superior to the performance of France or Italy. The main variable that explains the differences among these five countries refers to distinct informal capacities developed by the different member states.
eng
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Bajo la Licencia de reconocimiento de Creative Commons Reconocimiento-No comercial-Sin obra derivada 4.0 Internacional (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.es_ES)
España en el proceso legislativo de la Unión Europea
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/477702021-06-05T01:31:00Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Astudillo Ruiz, Javier
Detterbeck, Klaus
2021-06-04T09:37:03Z
2021-06-04T09:37:03Z
2018
Astudillo J, Detterbeck K. Why, sometimes, primaries?: intraparty democratization as a default selection mechanism in German and Spanish mainstream parties. Party Politics. 2018 Aug 29;26(5):594-604. DOI: 10.1177/1354068818795195
1354-0688
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47770
http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818795195
In many Western democracies, political parties have started to open to members the selection of their leaders. While most studies focus on the introduction of this new selection method, its subsequent practice is still understudied. The article contributes to our still limited knowledge of this process by looking at two multilevel countries, Germany and Spain, where the mainstream parties have sometimes organized membership ballots, especially at the regional level, for leadership selection. Thanks to two original databases on party conferences and membership ballots, the article analyzes the background of this process and reviews the most common explanations offered by the literature. It shows that they are not held when parties want to regain power, or party chairs seek their nomination, as commonly believed, but when there are intraparty leadership disputes.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Astudillo J, Detterbeck K. Why, sometimes, primaries?: intraparty democratization as a default selection mechanism in German and Spanish mainstream parties. Party Politics. 2018 Aug 29;26(5):594-604. Copyright © 2018 SAGE Publications. DOI: 10.1177/1354068818795195
Why, sometimes, primaries?: intraparty democratization as a default selection mechanism in German and Spanish mainstream parties
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/477902023-03-21T14:05:06Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Galais Gonzàlez, Carolina
Mota, Fabiola
Alarcón, Pau
2021-06-08T07:50:13Z
2021-06-08T07:50:13Z
2019
Galais C, Mota F. Millor com més participació?: els efectes de la participació ciutadana en la inclusivitat i la transparència de les polítiques locals. Eines per a l’esquerra nacional. 2019;34:78-87.
2013-1518
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47790
Els processos de participació ciutadana són simples eslògans polítics per intentar minimitzar la crisi de la democràcia representativa? O són processos que, ben fets, reforcen i amplien l’eficàcia de les polítiques dutes a terme? Són preguntes que actualment són sobre la taula. Analitzant-les podem convenir que, efectivament, els processos de participació ciutadana milloren els resultats de les polítiques públiques i obren pas a una democràcia més plena.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© Fundació Josep Irla 2021
Millor com més participació?: els efectes de la participació ciutadana en la inclusivitat i la transparència de les polítiques locals
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/477912021-12-03T12:05:07Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Arregui, Javier
2021-06-08T07:54:05Z
2021-06-08T07:54:05Z
2016
Arregui J. ¿Hasta qué punto cumplen los estados miembro con la legislación de la Unión Europea?: teoría y factores empíricos sobre el proceso de implementación. Cuadernos europeos de Deusto. 2016;55:165-91. DOI: 10.18543/ced-55-2016pp165-191
1130-8354
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47791
http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ced-55-2016pp165-191
El objetivo de este artículo de investigación es evaluar críticamente el estado del arte en relación al proceso de implementación legislativa de la Unión Europea y mostrar en qué medida existe un problema de deriva burocrática y de incumplimiento con la legislación europea por parte de los estados que conforman la Unión. Para conseguir dichos objetivos se plantean dos preguntas de investigación: ¿En qué medida los estados miembro cumplen con la legislación europea? y ¿Cuáles son los factores explicativos más relevantes que explican la falta de conformidad con la legislación europea? Para contestar dichas preguntas, el artículo utiliza una base de datos inédita que recoge todos los procedimientos de infracción oficiales que han tenido lugar en los estados miembro entre 1995 y 2015. El estudio muestra que existe una variación muy alta entre estados en el nivel de conformidad y/o cumplimiento con la legislación europea. Esta variación se ha explicado de acuerdo a factores tales como la efectividad administrativa de los estados, el control parlamentario, la capacidad en los procesos de coordinación entre actores, y la existencia de posibles conflictos (de preferencias) entre estos actores que están implicados directamente en el proceso de implementación en cada uno de los estados analizados.
The aim of this research article is to critically assess the state of the art in relation to the process of legislative implementation of the European Union. This article also aims to show to what extent there is a problem of bureaucratic drift and failure to comply with European legislation by the states that make the Union. To reach these goals, two research questions are posed: To what extent member states comply with European legislation? and What is the most important explanatory factors behind the lack of conformity with European legislation? To answer these questions, the article uses a unique database that collects all official infringement procedures that have taken place in member states between 1995 and 2015. The study shows that there is a very high variation between states in the degree of compliance with European legislation. This variation is explained according to factors such as the administrative effectiveness of a member state, parliamentary control, capacity in the coordination processes between actors, and the existence of potential conflicts (preferences) between these actors who are directly involved in the implementation process.
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© Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto. Artículo publicado en Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto 2016;55:165-91 https://doi.org/10.18543/ced-55-2016pp165-191
¿Hasta qué punto cumplen los estados miembro con la legislación de la Unión Europea?: teoría y factores empíricos sobre el proceso de implementación
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/477922021-12-03T12:05:31Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Arregui, Javier
2021-06-08T07:54:13Z
2021-06-08T07:54:13Z
2012
Arregui J. Problemas de legitimidad democrática, representación y rendimiento de cuentas en el proceso político de la Unión Europea. Cuadernos europeos De Deusto. 2012;46:85-112. DOI: 10.18543/ced-46-2012pp85-112
1130-8354
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47792
http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ced-46-2012pp85-112
Este paper examina las prácticas de gobernanza de la Unión Europea (UE) y su relación con el diseño institucional que, en última instancia, es el que determina el modelo de funcionamiento democrático de la UE. Para ello se toman como punto de referencia y de análisis los principales actores e instituciones que dirigen el proceso político de la UE y los outputs que producen. El paper muestra que los equilibrios de poder de la UE permiten la adopción de políticas moderadas y cercanas a las preferencias medianas del ciudadano europeo. Sin embargo, la UE también presenta serias deficiencias en su diseño y funcionamiento institucional tales como la limitada existencia de procesos de competición política, la ausencia de rendimientos de cuentas verticales o los excesivos procesos de delegación política. Todo ello limita la legitimidad democrática de la UE.
This paper examines the governance practices of the European Union (EU) and its relationship with the institutional design, which ultimately, is what determines the model of the democratic functioning of the EU. In order to do this, I will take as a reference point and analysis, the main actors and institutions that drive the EU political process and the outputs they produce. The paper shows that the checks and balances of power in the EU allow adopting moderate and centrist policies which are close to the median preferences of European citizens. However, the EU also has serious shortcomings in its design and institutional performance, such as the virtual absence of processes of political competition, the absence of processes of vertical accountability and excessive processes of political delegation. All these factors limit the EU’s democratic legitimacy.
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© Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto. Artículo publicado en Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto 2012;46:85-112. https://doi.org/10.18543/ced-46-2012pp85-112
Problemas de legitimidad democrática, representación y rendimiento de cuentas en el proceso político de la Unión Europea
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/477932021-12-03T12:06:18Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Arregui, Javier
2021-06-08T07:54:17Z
2021-06-08T07:54:17Z
2016
Arregui J. Presentación. Cuadernos europeos de Deusto. 2016;55:17-20. DOI: 10.18543/ced-55-2016pp17-29
1130-8354
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47793
http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ced-55-2016pp17-29
La Unión Europea (UE) es una organización política que elabora un creciente número de políticas públicas y estas políticas cubren virtualmente la mayoría de las áreas políticas sectoriales. El ámbito y el impacto de estas políticas es relevante desde una perspectiva económica, política y social en todos y cada uno de los estados miembros. Es por esto que el proceso político que tiene lugar en la UE tiene cada vez mayor relevancia en la opinión pública europea. En la literatura existen muchas investigaciones sobre el proceso político que tiene lugar en los sistemas políticos de los diferentes estados miembros. Sin embargo, no es fácil encontrar textos e investigaciones donde se explique y/o investigue sobre el proceso político de la UE de un modo sistemático. Lo que este issue aporta a la literatura es un alto grado de sistematicidad sobre cómo analizar el proceso político de la UE. En particular, los diferentes artículos plantean responder preguntas tales como por qué y cómo algunos temas (y no otros) se introducen en la agenda europea, cómo se negocia o formula una política, cuáles son los principales determinantes del proceso de negociación, qué variables y factores influyen en el proceso de toma de decisiones políticas que se adoptan en Bruselas o cómo y con qué efectividad se implementan las decisiones adoptadas en la UE en cada uno de los estados miembros. Todo ello ayudará a tener un entendimiento mejor y más sistemático sobre el proceso político de la UE así como sobre cada una de las fases que integran dicho proceso.
The European Union (EU) is a political organisation that produces a growing number of public policies and these policies cover virtually most sectoral policy areas. The scope and impact of these policies are important from an economic, political and social perspective in each Member State. That is why the political process that takes place in the EU has increasing relevance in the European public opinion. In the literature, there are many studies on the political process taking place in the political systems of the different Member States. However, it is not easy to find documents and research findings on the political process of the EU in a systematic way. What this Issue brings to literature is a high degree of systematisation of how to analyse the political process of the EU. In particular, the different contributions attempts to find answer to such questions as: Why and how some issues (and not others) are introduced on the European agenda? How to negotiate or formulates a policy; what are the main determinants of the negotiation process; which variables and factors influence the decision-making process of political decisions taken in Brussels or how and how effectively the decisions taken in the EU are implemented in each of the Member States? This will help to have a better and more systematic understanding of the political process of the EU and of each of the phases of that process.
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© Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto. Artículo publicado en Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto 2016;55:17-20. https://doi.org/10.18543/ced-55-2016pp17-29
Presentación
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/478412021-06-14T08:20:16Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Astudillo Ruiz, Javier
Rodon i Casarramona, Antoni
2021-06-10T08:30:45Z
2021-06-10T08:30:45Z
2013
Astudillo J, Rodon T. El comportamiento electoral del votante en la mediana y las 'paradojas' de la competición política española. Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas. 2013;144:3-21. DOI: 10.5477/cis/reis.144.3
0210-5233
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47841
http://dx.doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.144.3
Centrándonos en el análisis de las elecciones españolas de 2000, 2008 y 2011, en este artículo ofrecemos tres contribuciones a la literatura sobre la competición electoral desde una óptica downsiana. En primer lugar, ofrecemos una respuesta a lo que constituyen según el modelo de voto por proximidad básico, tres paradojas de la competición electoral española. En segundo lugar, damos más cuerpo teórico y empírico a las propuestas ya realizadas de integrar en el modelo de Downs la existencia de temas no-posicionales. Finalmente, utilizamos un tipo de regresión logística más adecuado para entender el comportamiento electoral de los votantes situados en la mediana, cuyo papel es clave para los resultados de las elecciones en España. Nuestros hallazgos tienen importantes implicaciones para entender cómo funciona uno de los modelos más utilizados en ciencia política.
Focusing on the 2000, 2008 and 2011 Spanish elections, this paper provides three contributions to the literature on electoral competition from a Downsian perspective. Firstly, an answer is offered to the three paradoxes that arise when applying the basic proximity vote model to electoral competition in Spain. Secondly, a more solid theoretical and empirical grounding is provided for the existing proposals to integrate non-positional issues into the Downsian model. Finally, a type of logistic regression is employed which is more appropriate for understanding the behaviour of the median voter, whose role is crucial in Spanish election results. Our fi ndings have important implications in understanding the workings of one of the most commonly used models in political science.
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Artículo publicado en la Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas, http://dx.doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.144.3
El comportamiento electoral del votante en la mediana y las 'paradojas' de la competición política española
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/478662021-06-15T01:30:57Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Astudillo Ruiz, Javier
2021-06-14T08:30:09Z
2021-06-14T08:30:09Z
2004
Astudillo Ruiz J. La trampa partidista de la UGT: de la relación solidaria con el PSOE a la unidad de acción sindical con CC.OO. Revista Española de Ciencia Política. 2004;11:73-101.
1575-6548
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47866
Mantener unas relaciones estrechas con un partido socialdemócrata se ha venido considerando como una de las mejores estrategias que poseen los sindicatos para defender en el ámbito político los intereses de los trabajadores. Esta afirmación parece seguir siendo válida a pesar de los recientes cambios ocurridos en las estructuras económicas y sociales de las sociedades contemporáneas, pues dichos cambios sólo alteran el contenido de su cooperación, y no las razones de hacerlo. Sin embargo, esta creencia parte del supuesto de la existencia de un movimiento sindical unitario. La experiencia del sur de Europa enseña, sin embargo, que cuando el movimiento sindical se divide según diferentes preferencias ideológicas, los líderes sindicales están forzados a elegir a la larga entre mantener las relaciones con sus respectivos partidos y cooperar entre ellos. Además, el divorcio entre el PSOE y la UGT pone de relieve que no importa cómo de fuertes sean estas organizaciones, la competición intersindical al combinarse con una economía en crecimiento provoca que sus relaciones se hagan perjudiciales para los intereses del hermano sindical.
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https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Esta obra está bajo licencia internacional Creative Commons Reconocimiento-NoComercial-SinObrasDerivadas 4.0. (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)
La trampa partidista de la UGT: de la relación solidaria con el PSOE a la unidad de acción sindical con CC.OO
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/478672021-06-15T01:33:31Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Astudillo Ruiz, Javier
2021-06-14T08:31:02Z
2021-06-14T08:31:02Z
2010
Astudillo J. Are dictatorships necessary?: trade unions and neoliberal populism in four Latin American countries. Rev Int Sociol. 2010;68(1):57-80. DOI: 10.3989/ris.2008.06.05
0034-9712
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47867
http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/ris.2008.06.05
The economic crisis of the beginning of this century in Latin America has questioned that a neo-liberal kind of populism may solve the puzzle of how to implement pro-market economic reforms by democratic regimes in less developed countries. Populism is both prone to corruption and incompatible with the necessary institutional reforms (the “second generation” reforms) complementing the economic reforms. Non-populist politicians may not have this handicap, but they could not overcome the labor resistance to their pro-market reforms either. Still, under certain conditions, democratic politicians can implement these reforms without suffering from the costs of populism.
Las crisis económicas de comienzos de este siglo en América Latina han cuestionado que el populismo, en su versión neoliberal, pueda ser la solución para llevar a cabo las reformas económicas pro-mercado por los regímenes democráticos de los países menos desarrollados. Tanto la tentación de cualquier clase de populismo de caer en una corrupción que las haga estériles, como su incompatibilidad con las necesarias reformas institucionales, de “segunda generación”, que complementen a las económicas, es muy alta. Los políticos no populistas no tendrían este problema, pero tampoco podrían hacer frente a la oposición sindical. Ahora bien, bajo ciertas condiciones, los políticos democráticos las pueden llevar a cabo sin tener que caer en los costes del populismo.
eng
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)
Are dictatorships necessary?: trade unions and neoliberal populism in four Latin American countries
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/479002021-12-03T12:02:57Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Arregui, Javier
2021-06-16T08:23:26Z
2021-06-16T08:23:26Z
2000
Arregui J. El rol de los partidos políticos en el proceso de consolidación de la democracia en Hungría y la República Checa. Revista de Gestión Pública y Privada. 2000;5:27-45.
1137-9022
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47900
Este paper tiene como principal objetivo demostrar que los partidos políticos son los principales actores en los procesos de transición y consolidación a la democracia, analizado a través de los casos de Hungría y la República Checa. La acción de los partidos en estos países ha supuesto incentivar mecanismos de competición, participación y pluralismo dentro de los sistemas políticos húngaros y checo. Además, en Hungría, por ejemplo, los partidos han sido los artífices de una transición negociada y del diseño institucional (sistema parlamentario, sistema electoral mixto, ...) que tanta estabilidad política han dado al país. En la República Checa, la acción de los partidos ha supuesto la cristalización de las orientaciones políticas en un continuum izquierda- derecha. A este proceso de consolidación democrática, también ha contribuido la estabilización que se ha producido en ambos países del sistema de partidos, todo ello consecuencia de una buena (aunque lenta) articulación de los conflictos sociales en divisiones políticas, propiciada por la acción de los partidos políticos.
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© Universidad de Zaragoza
El rol de los partidos políticos en el proceso de consolidación de la democracia en Hungría y la República Checa
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/479012021-12-03T12:02:25Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Arregui, Javier
2021-06-16T08:23:30Z
2021-06-16T08:23:30Z
1999
Arregui Moreno J. El papel de las instituciones y la organización política en los procesos de la transición a la democracia: el caso húngaro. Revista de Gestión Pública y Privada. 1999;4:31-52.
1137-9022
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47901
Este paper tiene como principal objetivo probar el importante papel de las «institutions matter» durante la transición a la democracia, analizado a través del caso húngaro. Desde principios de los años 90, Hungría diseñó e implementó una serie de instituciones como, por ejemplo, la de la figura de un primer ministro con fuertes poderes o un sistema electoral mixto,... que reforzaron la estabilidad política y de este modo incrementaron las posibilidades de poder conseguir una consolidación en el proceso de democratización empezado años atrás. La descripción del caso húngaro nos sumerge en profundidad dentro de los problemas políticos internos de un proceso a la transición democrática en general, y dentro de la versión de los países del Este de Europa en particular. Al mismo tiempo, contribuye a la discusión sobre la idea de las «institutions matter» y/o «politics matter», señalando y enfatizando la trascendencia del proceso de construcción de las instituciones, eligiendo, por un lado, las instituciones adecuadas a las características y a la coyuntura de un país, y, por otro lado, resaltando el aprendizaje estratégico en los desarrollos que llevan hasta el proceso definitivo de la consolidación democrática.
spa
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© Universidad de Zaragoza
El papel de las instituciones y la organización política en los procesos de la transición a la democracia: el caso húngaro
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/479022021-06-17T01:31:37Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Krcmaric, Daniel
Escribà-Folch, Abel
2021-06-16T08:23:33Z
2021-06-16T08:23:33Z
2016
Krcmaric D, Escribà-Folch A. Dictators in exile: explaining the destinations of ex-rulers. J Polit. 2016 Jun 21;79(2):560-75. DOI: 10.1086/688225
0022-3816
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47902
http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/688225
Exile has been the second most common fate for dictators who lost office since World War II, yet scholars know little about this phenomenon. In this article, we ask a simple yet previously unanswered question: where do exiled dictators go? We argue that three sets of factors—transnational ties, geographic proximity, and monadic characteristics of potential host states—influence where dictators flee. For evidence, we use original data on exile destinations to construct a directed dyadic data set of all autocratic rulers who fled abroad upon their ouster. We find that dictators are more likely to go into exile in states that are close neighbors, have hosted other dictators in the past, are militarily powerful, and possess colonial links, formal alliances, and economic ties. By contrast, fleeing dictators tend to avoid democratic states and countries experiencing civil conflict. These findings raise broader implications for several outcomes ranging from regime transitions to conflict termination.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© University of Chicago Press http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/ET/home.html
Dictators in exile: explaining the destinations of ex-rulers
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/479032024-01-29T19:38:59Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Escribà-Folch, Abel
Wright, Joseph (Joseph George), 1976-
2021-06-16T08:23:37Z
2021-06-16T08:23:37Z
2015
Escribà-Folch A, Wright J. Human rights prosecutions and autocratic survival. Int Organ. 2015 Feb 11;69(2):343-73. DOI: 10.1017/S0020818314000484
0020-8183
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47903
http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0020818314000484
Do human rights prosecutions deter dictatorships from relinquishing power? Advances in the study of human rights show that prosecutions reduce repression in transition countries. However, prosecuting officials for past crimes may jeopardize the prospects of regime change in countries that have not transitioned, namely dictatorships. The creation of the International Criminal Court has further revitalized this debate. This article assesses how human rights prosecutions influence autocratic regime change in neighboring dictatorships. We argue that when dictators and their elite supporters can preserve their interests after a regime transition, human rights prosecutions are less likely to deter them from leaving power. Using personalist dictatorship as a proxy for weak institutional guarantees of posttransition power, the evidence indicates that these regimes are less likely to democratize when their neighbors prosecute human rights abusers. In other dictatorships, however, neighbor prosecutions do not deter regimes from democratizing.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© Cambridge University Press. The published version of the article: Escribà-Folch A, Wright J. Human rights prosecutions and autocratic survival. Int Organ. 2015 Feb 11;69(2):343-73 is available at https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020818314000484
Human rights prosecutions and autocratic survival
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/479062024-01-29T19:39:15Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Escribà-Folch, Abel
Meseguer Yebra, Covadonga
Wright, Joseph (Joseph George), 1976-
2021-06-16T08:47:42Z
2021-06-16T08:47:42Z
2015
Escribà-Folch A, Meseguer C, Wright J. Remittances and democratization. Int Stud Q. 2015 Sep 2;59(3):571-86. DOI: 10.1111/isqu.12180
0020-8833
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47906
http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/isqu.12180
Do remittances stabilize autocracies? Remittances—money sent by foreign workers to individuals in their home country—differ from other sources of external non-tax revenue, such as foreign aid, because they accrue directly to individuals and thus raise the incomes of households. We argue that remittances increase the likelihood of democratic transition by undermining electoral support for autocratic incumbents in party-based regimes. Remittances therefore make voters less dependent on state transfers. As a result, autocracies that rely heavily on the broad-based distribution of spoils for their survival, namely party-based regimes, should prove especially vulnerable to increases in remittances. Evidence consistent with this argument suggests that remittances promote democratization in some dictatorships.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© Oxford University Press. This is a pre-copyedited, author-produced version of an article accepted for publication in Int Stud Q following peer review. The version of record Escribà-Folch A, Meseguer C, Wright J. Remittances and democratization. Int Stud Q. 2015 Sep 2;59(3):571-8 is available online at: https://doi.org/10.1111/isqu.12180
Remittances and democratization
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
oai:repositori.upf.edu:10230/479072024-01-29T19:38:41Zcom_10230_16076com_10230_5542col_10230_16208
Wright, Joseph (Joseph George), 1976-
Escribà-Folch, Abel
2021-06-16T08:47:45Z
2021-06-16T08:47:45Z
2011
Wright J, Escribà-Folch A. Authoritarian institutions and regime survival: transitions to democracy and subsequent autocracy. Br J Polit Sci. 2011 Sep 26;42(2):283-309. DOI: 10.1017/S0007123411000317
0007-1234
http://hdl.handle.net/10230/47907
http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123411000317
This article examines how authoritarian parties and legislatures affect regime survival. While authoritarian legislatures increase the stability of dictators, political parties – even when devised to quell internal threats – can destabilize dictators. The main argument is that authoritarian parties influence the distribution of power in a subsequent new democracy by helping to protect the interests of authoritarian elites. These institutions thus increase the likelihood of democratization. Using a dataset of authoritarian regimes in 108 countries from 1946 to 2002 and accounting for simultaneity, the analysis models transitions to democracy and to a subsequent authoritarian regime. Results indicate that authoritarian legislatures are associated with a lower probability of transition to a subsequent dictatorship. Authoritarian parties, however, are associated with a higher likelihood of democratization.
eng
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
© Cambridge University Press. The published version of the article: Wright J, Escribà-Folch A. Authoritarian institutions and regime survival: transitions to democracy and subsequent autocracy. Br J Polit Sci. 2011 Sep 26;42(2):283-309 is available at https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123411000317
Authoritarian institutions and regime survival: transitions to democracy and subsequent autocracy
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
mods///col_10230_16208/100